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a i^ebj (Edition, 


REV. J. R. KING, M.A. 



®x{drti anti S^ontion: 


/3r f 4/^' 






rjIHE "Critical History of the Athanasian Creed" 
-*■ had its origin in Dr. Waterland's controversy with 
Dr. Clarke, and other Anti-Trinitarians, on the subject 
of the blessed Trinity. First published in 1723, in 
the interval between his " Second Yindication of Christ's 
Divinity,*' and his '* Farther Yindication," both of 
them directly controversial works, it yet is singularly 
free from polemics ; and it is only in the last chapter 
that he thinks it well to answer the objections of 
Dr. Clarke, who " out of his abundant zeal to promote 
Arianism had taken upon him to disparage this ex- 
cellent Form of Faith." 

After an Introduction, in which the Author explains 
the scope and method of the work, disclaiming any 
pretence at originality, and declaring that it professes 
to be nothing more than a careful digest, in a form 
convenient for the English reader, of all that he had 
been able to discover written on the subject, the 
treatise is divided into eleven chapters, of which eight 
are concerned with the history of the Creed, and the 
remaining three with its substance, and its use in the 
Church of England. 

The £rst chapter sets forth the opinions of the chief 
modem authorities as to the date ^lA ^ixv^^^^ic^ ^ 

iv editob's pbeface. 

the Creed, beginning with Gerard Yoss, who published 
his treatise. Be trihm Symholis, in 1642^ and ending 
with Gasimir Oudin, whose Commentary on the Eccle- 
siastical Writers appeared in its final form in 1722. 
The great majority of the thirty-two authors whom 
he cites are agreed that the Creed is not the work of 
Athanasius; and most of them would assign to it an 
origin in the "Western Church, not earlier than the 
fifth century. Eight of them ascribe it to Yigilius 
Tapsensis, whilst no two are agreed in upholding the 
claims of any other Latin writer to its authorship. 
Dr. Clarke is alone in bringing it down to so late a 
period as the eighth or ninth century, though Yoss 
and Dr. Cave agree with him in supposing it not to 
have been generally received till about the year 1000. 

In the second chapter. Dr. Waterland considers the 
testimony of more ancient writers to the existence and 
authority of the Creed. Rejecting the evidence ad- 
duced from writers earlier than the seventh century 
as spurious or irrelevant, he attaches some importance 
to that afforded by a Canon which is attributed to the 
Synod of Autun, in 670. The first unquestionable 
testimony, however, is supplied in certain articles of 
enquiry, preserved by Rhegino, Abbot of Prom in 
Germany, and referable to the middle of the eighth 
century. Thenceforward quotations from the Creed 
are not uncommon, though the title Symholum is not 
applied to it by any author before Hincmar, Arch- 
bishop of Eheims in the middle of the ninth century, 

editob's frefacb. 

and the appellation was not generally in use for some 
three centuries more. Dr. Waterland quotes in all 
thirty -six authorities in this chapter, ending with 
Johannes Plusiadenus, in 1439. Most of them ascribe 
the Creed to Athanasius, and none to any other author, 
though Beleth mentions as a common view the theory 
that it was written by Anastasius. 

The third chapter is taken up with the consideration 
of the ancient commentators on the Athanasian Creed, 
beginning with Yenantius Eortunatus in the sixth, 
and ending with Peter d'Osma of Salamanca, in the 
fifteenth century. The first of these is the most im- 
portant, proving the existence of the Creed at an 
earlier period than any other evidence which we 
possess : insomuch that Muratori erroneously supposed 
Fortunatus to have been himself the author. 

The fourth chapter contains an account of the va- 
rious manuscripts of the Athanasian Creed which Dr. 
Waterland could trace. The earliest of these is quoted 
by Bishop Usher as belonging to the end of the sixth 
century ; but this, as well as the Manuscript of Treves, 
referred to the middle of the seventh century, was 
already lost in the time of Dr. Waterland ; so that the 
earliest manuscript then known to exist was that in 
the Ambrosian Library at Milan, belonging to the end 
of the seventh century. Between that time and the 
end of the eleventh century, twenty-two manuscripts 
are described, most of them being attached to Psalters, 
mainly of the Galilean version. This chapter cIqjsk^ 

vi editob's pbepace. 

with an account of the principal Latin versions of the 
Psalter, severally known as the Italic, Gallican, Ro- 
man, and Hebraic. 

The fifth chapter is occupied with a discussion of 
the ancient versions of the Creed, among which, adopt- 
ing the view that Latin was its original language, 
Dr. Waterland includes the Greek manuscripts. The 
correctness of this opinion is confirmed by the fact 
that these do not rank early even among the ver- 
sions; no copy being known of a date previous to 
the middle of the fourteenth century. The earliest 
version of which any trace is to be found was in the 
Lingua Bomana^ prevalent in France in the middle of 
the ninth century : but the earliest extant is in German, 
in the Imperial Library at Yienna, and is referred by 
Dr. Waterland to the year 870. Of the following 
century there are Anglo-Saxon versions, but none of 
those in French, properly so called, reach higher than 
the eleventh century. Of the date of the versions in 
other languages, Dr. Waterland had no information on 
which it was possible to form an estimate. 

From the foregoing evidence. Dr. Waterland argues, 
in the sixth chapter, that the Creed was received into 
the Gallican Church as early as the middle of the sixth 
century. That it was known in Spain within a cen- 
tury after this is clear, from its being quoted in the 
Canons of the Fourth Council of Toledo, held in 633 ; 
and the general affinity between the French and Spa- 
nish Liturgies would lead us to suppose that it pro- 

editob's preface. vii 

bably then formed a recognised element in the Spanish 
services. In Germany it was certainly received in 787, 
perhaps some years before : while in England we can 
trace it as early as 799, when considerable portions of 
it were quoted in a profession of faith made by Dene- 
bert, Bishop of Worcester. The date of its reception 
in Italy is very doubtful, and though inclined to trace 
it to the conquest of Lombardy by Charlemagne, yet 
Dr. Waterland does not venture to insist on an earlier 
date than 880 for its regular introduction into the 
Italian Liturgies. The Koman Church was the last to 
adopt it among the Western Christians ; and we can- 
not prove that it was admitted into any Eoman Liturgy 
earlier than the Psalter of King Athelstan in 930. The 
fact of its admission into the Greek and Oriental 
Churches has been questioned altogether, but it ap- 
pears probable, that, though unknown to the Greek 
Churches in Africa and Asia, yet that it had, for some 
little time, been accepted by the main body of the 
Greeks in Europe, with alterations in the Article con- 
cerning the Procession of the Holy Ghost. 

From a consideration of all this evidence Dr. Water- 
land concludes, in the seventh chapter, that the Athana- 
sian Creed was probably composed in Gaul : and as it 
was in sufficient repute for a Comment to be written on 
it about the year 570, it may fairly be presumed to be 
from a century to a century and a-half more ancient 
than that date. But, from internal evidence, he con- 
ceives that we can fix the time of ita eoTct^o^^vsvjL^SiQoL 

viii editob's pbeface. 

much greater nicety. It is obviously later than the 
rise of the heresy of Apollinarius, from the precision 
with which his tenets are refuted on the subject of the 
Incarnation ; and it is most probably subsequent to the 
publication of St. Augustine's work, De Trtmtate, from 
the use of expressions first worked out in that treatise. 
This would bring it do^n to the year 420, nearly fifty 
years after Athanasius*s death. On the other hand, 
the absence of any direct refutation of Eutyches, and 
even the admission of equivocal expressions which 
might be interpreted as favouring his views, would 
mark the Creed as earlier than his condemnation at 
Chalcedon in 451. Similarly, its language seems to 
place it even before the condemnation of Nestorius at 
Ephesus in 431 ; so that its composition is brought 
within the compass of the ten years between 420 and 
430 ; and as we know that St. Augustine, whose writ- 
ings had manifestly an important influence upon it, 
was in close communication with the Church in Gaul 
during the latter half of this decade, we may ulti- 
mately fix its date, with great probability, to that 

After determining the time and place of the com- 
position of the Creed, Dr. Waterland proceeds, in the 
eighth chapter, to determine the question of its author- 
ship. This he decides in favour of Hilary of Aries, as 
best fulfilling the requisite conditions of time, place, 
capacity, and authority in the Church. He is also 
known to have been an admirer of St. Augustine ; and 

editob's pbeface. ix 

is said to have written an " admirable exposition of the 
Creed," of which we have no trace, unless we hold it 
to be the work in question. The style, moreover, and 
tenor of his other writings, favour the hypothesis, 
which is not overthrown by the only objections which 
have been advanced against it. 

The ninth chapter consists simply of the Creed itself, 
in the original Latin text, supported by passages from 
authorities of the fourth and fifth centuries, mainly 
from the works of St. Augustine. To this has been 
added, in the present edition, an Appendix, comprising 
passages £rom the earlier Fathers, setting forth the 
same doctrines that are stated in the Creed. 

The tenth chapter contains Dr. "Waterland's* own 
commentary on the Creed, in which he briefly shews 
the origin, scope, and meaning of each several Article. 
He explains the damnatory clauses in the moderate 
sense in which they were accepted even by the leading 
l^onconformist Divines of his own day; and is par- 
ticularly felicitous in his exposition of that portion of 
the Creed which declares each Person of the blessed 
Trinity to be incomprehensible y eternal, ^c, and yet the 
whole to be not Three, but One. 

So far the treatise has been purely didactic, but in 
the eleventh chapter it assumes a controversial form, 
being occupied with the refutation of the objections 
brought by Dr. Clarke to its use in our services. In 
the course of his reply. Dr. Waterland takes occasion 
to set forth the necessity of Creeds in general, and 

editob's pbeface. 

especially the need of gradually expanding the confes- 
sions of our faith, to meet the errors gradually intro- 
duced into the world. 

At the end of the whole treatise he reprints the 
work of Yenantius Fortunatus, already referred to as 
the earliest commentary on the Athanasian Creed. 

The present edition is hased upon the second, pub- 
lished by the author in 1727. The treatise has been 
previously reprinted in the several editions of the col- 
lected works of Dr. "Waterland ; and in a separate form 
in 1850 by the Society for Promoting Christian Know- 
ledge. The references have now, so far as possible, 
been verified and rendered more complete ; and besides 
the Appendix to the ninth chapter, a list of the editions 
used for reference is added by the present editor. Ob- 
solete and antiquated modes of spelling have been 
modernized, but in other respects the work is repro- 
duced as it issued finally from its Author's hands. 

St. Petee*s-ik-thb-Ea8t, Oxpoed, 
June 2Uh, 1870. 




Athanasian Creed. 

Representing the OPINIONS of 



With an Account of the MANUSCRIPTS, VERSIONS, 
and Comments, and such other particulars as are of 
moment for the determining the Age, and Author, and 
Value of ity and the Time of its Reception in the Chris- 
tian Churches, 


Chancellor of the Church of YORK, and Chaplain 
in Ordinary to His MAfESIY. 


Corrected and Improved. 


Printed at the University-Press, for Corn. Crownfield, 
Printer to the University : And are to be Sold by J. Kna.^- 
ton, and R. Knaplock, Booksellers m LONDON. v\'3&. 




My Lord, 

I AM desirom of sending these papers abroad under 
yov/r Grace's name, in confidence you will he a Patron to 
them, as you ha/oe been to the Author. I would make their 
way short and easy to the publick esteem, by introducing 
them first into yov/r Qrace^s acquaintance and good opi- 
nion ; which, if they ha/oe once the honou/r to obtain, I 
may then be assv/red that they will be both useful to the 
world and acceptable with all good men ; the height of my 

The subject, my Lord, is the Athanasian Creed, the 
most accurate system of the Athanasian, that is, the Chris- 
tian Faith, of which yowr Grace is, by your station and 
character, by duty and office, and, what is more, by in- 
clination and principle, and real services, the watchful 
guardian and preserver. 

The happy fruits of it a/re visible in the slow and in- 
considerable progress that the new heresy has been able to 
make within yowr province, where it died, in a manner, 
08 it fi/rst arose, and no sooner began to lift up its head 


hut sunk dofjon again in shame and confusion : as if the 
plenty of good seed soton had left no room for tares, 
or they could take no root in a soil so well cultivated. 

While you/r Chrace is promoting the honour and inter- 
ests of our Holy Faith, in the eminent way, by the wisdom 
of your counsels, the authority of your precepts, and the 
brightness of your high example ; I am endea/vouring, in 
such a way as I can, to contribute something to the same 
common cause, tho* it be but slight and small, tho' 
it be only reviewing the fences and surveying the out- 
works ; which is the most I pretend to in the history here 

WTiat advantage others may reap from the publication 
will remain in suspence; but lam sure of one to myself 
{and I lay hold of it with a great deal of pleasure) the 
opportunity I thereby have of returning my publick thanks 
to yow Qrace for you/r publick fa/oors, Tho* this, my 
Lord, is but a scanty expression for them, andfa/r short, 
where the engaging manner and circumstances, known but 
to few, and not to be understood by many, make so con- 
siderable an addition in the whole, and almost double the 
obligation upon 

My Lord, 

Your Grace's most obliged, most dutiful, 

and most obedient humble Servant, 



Oct, 25, 1723. 


TT7HAT I here present the reader with, will not re- 
' ' quire much Preface. The Introduction intimates 
the design and use and partition of the Work. The 
Appendix, which is an additional enlargement beyond 
my first design, gives account of itself. I subjoin two 
Indexes for the ease and convenience of such persons 
as may be disposed, not only to read these sheets, but 
to study the subject. I should scarce have thought of 
making Indexes to so small a treatise, had I not found 
the like in Tentzelius, upon the same subject, and to 
a smaller tract than this is. His were of considerable 
use to me, as often as I wanted to review any par- 
ticular author, or passage, or to compare distant parts 
relating to the same things, one with another. The 
benefit, therefore, which I reaped from his labours, 
I am willing to pay back to the public by mine. 

As to the subject of the following sheets, I make no 
question of its well deserving the thoughts and con- 
sideration of every studious reader; having before 
passed through the hands of many the most learned and 
most judicious men, and such as would not misemploy 
their time and pains upon a trifle. As to the present 
management of it, it must be left to the reader to judge 
of, as he sees cause. 

For the chronology of the several parts, I have con- 
sulted the best authors ; endeavouring to fix it with as 
much accuracy as I could. "WHerever I could certainly 

xvi THE axtthob's pkeface. 

determine the age of any tract, printed or manuscript, to 
a year, I set down that year : where I could not do it 
(as in manuscripts one seldom can) I take any probable 
year within the compass of time when an author is 
known to have flourished; or for a manuscript, any 
probable year within such a century or such a king's 
reign wherein the manuscript is reasonably judged to 
have been written; and I generally choose a round 
number, rather than otherwise, in such indefinite cases 
and instances. 

Thus, for example, first in respect of authors : there 
is a Comment of Yenantius Fortunatus, upon the 
Athanasian Creed, which I reprint in my Appendix. 
I cannot fix the age of it to a year, no, nor to twenty 
years. All that is certain is, that it was made be- 
tween 556, when Fortunatus first went into the Gal- 
ilean parts, and 599 when he was advanced to the 
bishopric of Poictiers. Within this wide compass, I 
choose the year 570. If any one shall rather choose 
580, or 590, I shaU not dispute it with him, nor doth 
anything very material depend upon it: but if any 
good reason can be given for taking some other year 
rather than 570, I shall immediately acquiesce in it. 

As to manuscripts, it is well known there is no 
fixing them precisely to a year, merely from the hand 
or character : and there are but few, in comparison, 
that carry their own certain dates with them. The 
best judges, therefore, in these matters, will think it 
sufficient to point out the king's reign, or sometimes 
the century, wherein a manuscript was written : and 
in the very ancient ones, above a thousand years old, 
they will hardly be positive so much as to the century, 

THE AxrrnoE s pbefacr. xvii 

for want of certain discriminating marks between manu- 
scripts of the fifth, sixth, and seyenth centuries. 

It may be asked, then, why I pretend to fix the 
several manuscripts, hereafter to be mentioned, to 
certain years in the margin; those that carry no cer- 
tain dates, as well as the others that do ? I do it for 
order and regularity, and for the more distinct per- 
ception of things, which is much promoted and as- 
sisted by this orderly ranging them according to years. 
At the same time, the intelligent reader will easily 
understand where to take a thing as certain, and where 
to make allowances. It is something like the placing 
of cities, towns, rivers, &c., in a map or a globe : they 
have all their certain places there, in such or such 
precise degrees of longitude and latitude ; which per- 
haps seldom answer to the strict truth of things or to 
a mathematical exactness. But still it serves the pur- 
pose very near as well as if everything had been 
adjusted with the utmost nicety ; and the imagination 
and memory are mightily relieved by it. Thus much 
I thought proper to l^nt in vindication of my 'method, 
and to prevent any deception on one hand, or mis- 
construction on the other. I have, I think, upon the 
whole, generally gone upon the fairest and most pro- 
bable presumption, and according to the most correct 
accounts of knowing and accurate men : but if I have 
anywhere, through inadvertency, or for want of better 
information, happened to mistake in any material part, 
the best way of apologizing for it, will be to correct 
it the first opportunity after notice of it. 

As to mere omissions, they will appear more, or 
fewer, according to men's different judgDaso^^ ot 'i?^- 


Xviii THE authok's peeface. 

nions what to call an omission. I might have en- 
larged considerably the first chapter, which treats of 
the learned moderns, though some, perhaps, will think 
it too large already, and that it might better have been 
contracted. I have omitted several modems mentioned 
by Tentzelius, whose professed design was to take in 
all; mine is only to take the principal or as many 
as may suffice to give the reader a full and distinct 
idea how this matter has stood with the learned 
modems for eighty-five years last past. 

In this second edition I have considerably shortened 
my Appendix, by throwing the several parts of it into 
the book itself, referring them to their proper places. 
Some few additional observations will be found here 
and there interspersed, and some corrections, of slight 
moment as to the main thing (in which I make no 
alteration) but contributing in some measure to the 
perfection and accuracy of the Work. 

I conclude with professing, as before, that I shall 
be very glad if what hath been here done may but prove 
an useful introduction to more and larger discoveries. 
If anything considerable still remains, either in private 
hands or public repositories; anything that may be 
serviceable to clear up some dark part, or to correct any 
mistake, or to confirm and illustrate any important 
truth relating to the subject, I shall be very thankful 
to the person that shall oblige either me with private 
notice, or the public with new improvements. 

CjLMBBinaE, Magd. Coll., 
Nov. 1, 1727. 



THE INTRODUCTION, Shewing the De- 
SIGN AND Use of this Treatise ; with the 
Method and Partition of it . . . 1 
I. The Opinions of the Learned Moderns con- 
cerning THE Athanasian Creed . . 5 
II. Ancient Testimonies 20 

III. Ancient Commentators and Pabaphrasts 

UPON THE Athanasian Creed ... 43 

IV. Latin Manuscripts of the Athanasian 

Creed 66 

V. Ancient Versions, Printed or Manuscript . 91 
VI. Of the Reception of the Athanasian Creed 

in the Christian Churches . . 109 

VII. Op the Time when, and Place where, the 

Creed was Composed . . . . ] 38 

VIII. Op the Author of the Creed . . . 162 
IX. The Creed itself in the Original Lan- 
guage, WITH Parallel Passages from the 

Fathers 173 


ING THE Statements of the Athanaslln 

Creed 192 

X. A Commentary on the Athai^asia:^ Cj^Xi1.\> « ^^"^ 



XI. The Chuech op England Vindicated, both 
AS TO THE Receiving and Retaining the 

Athanasian Cbeed 231 

Appendix 248 

Index op Authoes and Editions . . . 267 

Index of Manuscripts 278 

Index op Authobities 280 




Shewing the Design and Use op this Treatise; 
WITH THE Method and Partition op it. 

IITY design is, to enquire into the age, author, and 
■^" value of that celebrated confession, which goes 
under the name of The Athanasian Creed. The general 
approbation it hath long met with in the Christian 
Churches, and the particular regard which hath been, 
early and late, paid to it in our own, (while it makes 
a part of our Liturgy, and stands recommended to 
us in our Articles,) wiU, I doubt not, be considera- 
tions sufficient to justify an undertaking of this kind : 
provided only, that the performance be answerable, 
and that it fall not short of its principal aim, or of 
the just expectations of the ingenuous and candid 
readers. IN'o one will expect more of me than my 
present materials, such as I could procure, will furnish 
me with ; nor any greater certainty in an essay of this 
nature, than things of this kind will admit of. If 
a reasonable diKgence has been used in collecting, and 
due pains in digesting, and a religious care in building 
thereupon, (more than which I pretend not to), it may, 
I hope, be sufficient with all equitable judges. 

Many learned and valuable men have \i^«^ \i^lQ^^ 


THE nrrKODircnoN. 

employed in the same design; but their treatises are 
mostly in Latin, and some of them very scarce, and 
hard to come at. I know not that any one hitherto 
has attempted a just treatise npon the subject in our 
own language, however useful it might be to the Eng- 
lish readers; and the more so at this time when the 
controversy about the Trinity is now spread abroad 
among all ranks and degrees of men with us, and the 
Athanasian Creed become the subject of common and 
ordinary conversation. For these reasons, I presumed, 
an English treatise might be most proper and season- 
able: though otherwise, to avoid the unseemly mix- 
ture of English and Latin (which will here be neces- 
sary), and because of some parts which none but the 
learned can tolerably judge of, it might be thought 
more proper rather to have written a Latin treatise, 
and for the use only of scholars. However, there will 
be nothing very material but what an English reader 
may competently understand: and I shall endeavour 
to lay before him all that has been hitherto usefully 
observed upon the subject, that he may want nothing 
which may be conceived of any moment for the enabling 
him to form a true judgment. "What I borrow from 
others shall be fairly acknowledged as I go along, and 
referred to its proper author, or authors; it being as 
much my design to give an historical account of what 
others have done, as it is to supply what they have 
left undone, so far as my present materials, leisure, 
and opportunities may enable me to do it. Now, to 
present the reader with a sketch of my design, and 
to shew him how one part is to hang upon another, 
my method will be as follows : — 


I. First, in order to give the clearer idea of what 
has been already done, and of what may be still want- 
ing, I begin with recounting the several conjectures 
or discoveries of the learned modems. 

II. Next, to enter upon the matter itself, and the 
evidence proper to it, I proceed to lay down the direct 
testimonies of the ancients concerning the age, author, 
and value of this Creed. 

III. To these I subjoin an account of the ancient 
comments upon the same Creed, being but another 
kind of ancient testimonies. 

rV. After these follows a brief recital of the most 
ancient, or otherwise most considerable, manuscripts 
of this Creed, which I have either seen myself or have 
had notice of from others. 

Y. After the manuscripts of the Creed itself, I en- 
quire also into the ancient versions of it, printed, or 
manuscript; which will be also very serviceable to 
our main design. 

VI. I come in the next place to treat of the ancient 
reception of this Creed in the Christian Churches ; as 
beiog a point of great moment, and which may be more 
certainly determined than the time of its composition, 
and may give great light into it. 

YII. These preliminaries settled, to introduce to 
what follows, I then fall directly to the darkest part 
of all, namely, to the enquiry after the age, and 
author of the Creed; which I despatch in two dis- 
tinct chapters. 

VIII. I^ext, I lay before the learned reader the 
Creed itself in its original language, with the most 
considerable various lections; together witbi ^^\aOi»^'waf 


sages from ancient writers, either parallel to those of 
the Creed, or explanatory of it. And lest the English 
reader should appear to be neglected, I subjoin the 
Creed in English with a running English Commentary, 
serving much the same purpose with what is intended 
by the Latin quotations going before. 

IX. I conclude all with a brief vindication of our 
own Church in receiving, and still retaining this ex- 
cellent formulary of the Christian faith; answering 
the most material objections which have been made 
against us on that account; and shewing the expe- 
diency, and even necessity of retaining this form, or 
something equivalent, for the preservation of the 
Christian faith against heresies. The reader, I hope, 
will excuse it, if in compliance with custom, and to 
save myself the trouble of circumlocution, I commonly 
speak of it under the name of the Athanasian Creed ; 
not designing thereby to intimate, either that it is 
a creed strictly and properly so called, or that it is of 
Athanasius's composing: both which points will be 
discussed in the sequel. 


The Opinions of the Leaened Mose&ns concerning 


A.D. 1642. In reciting the opinions of the learned 
modems, I need go no higher than Gerard Yossins, 
who in his treatise de Trihm St/mholts, published in 
the year 1642, led the way to a more strict and critical 
enquiry concerning this Creed than had been before 
attempted. The writers before him, most of them, 
took it for granted that the Creed was Athanasius's, 
without troubling themselves with any very particular 
enquiry into it : and those few who doubted of it, or 
ascribed it to another, yet entered not closely into the 
merits of the cause, but went upon loose conjectures 
rather than upon any just rules of true and solid 
criticism. It will be sufficient therefore to begin our 
accounts from Yossius, who, since the time of his 
writing, has been ever principally mentioned by writers 
upon the subject, as being the first and most con- 
siderable man that has entered deep into it, and treated 
of it like a critic. He endeavoured to sift the matter 
thoroughly, as far as he was well able to do from 
printed books; as to manuscripts he either wanted 
leisure or opportunity to search for them. The result 
of his enquiries concluded in the following particulars, 
some of them dubiously, all of them modestly proposed 
by him. 1. That the Athanasian Creed is not Athana- 
sius's. 2. That it was originally a Latin co\si^<^'s«QX^^ 


and of a Latin author or authors. 3. That it was 
made in the eighth or ninth century, in the time of 
Pepin or of Charles the Great, and prohahly hy some 
French divine. 4. That the first time it was pro- 
duced under the name of Athanasius, at least, with 
any assurance and confidence of it being his, was in 
the year 1233, when Pope Gregory the Ninth's legates 
pleaded it at Constantinople in favour of the proces- 
sion against the Greeks. 5. That it scarce ever ob- 
tained in any of the Christian Churches before the 
year 1000. These were his sentiments when he wrote 
his treatise de Trihus SymboUs. But in a posthimious 
piece of his, having then seen what some other learned 
men had written upon the subject, he was content to 
say that the Creed could not be set higher than the 
year 600*. How far Yossius was mistaken in his 
accounts will appear in the sequel. Thus far must 
be allowed him, that he managed the argument with 
great learning and judgment, made a good use of such 
materials as he was possessed of, and though he was 
not very happy in determining the age of the Creed, 
or the time of its receptioo, yet he produced so many 
and such cogent arguments against the Creed* s being 
originally Greek, or being made by Athanasius, that 
they could never be answered. 

1644. The learned Petavius, who in the year 1622 
(when he published Epiphanius) had fallen in with 
the common opinion of this Creed's being Athanasius' s, 
did yet afterward in his treatise of the Trinity, pub- 

^ "Neque ante annum fuisse sezcentesiinum, fuse ostendimua 
in libro de tribus SymboliB.**— Voss., Harmonia Evangelica, bk. ii. 
a IS, in vol vL p. 215. 


lished in the year 1644, speak more doubtfully of it; 
in the meanwhile positiye that it was written in 
Latin \ 

1647. The next considerable man, and who may be 
justly called a first writer in this argument as well 
as Yossius, was our learned Usher. He had a good 
acquaintance with libraries and manuscripts, and was 
able from those stores to produce new evidences which 
Yossius knew not of. In the year 1647 he printed 
his Latin tract de SymboUa, with a prefatory epistle 
to Yossius. He there appeals to the testimonies of 
Eatram of Corbey, and JSneas, Bishop of Paris, neither 
of them at that time made public, as also to Hincmar's 
of Eheims, (which had been published but had escaped 
Yossiu8*s observation), to prove that this Creed had 
been confidently cited under the name of Athanasius 
almost 400 years before the time of Pope Gregory's 
legates, the time set by Yossius. And further, by two 
manuscripts found in the Cotton Library, he thought 
he might carry up the antiquity of the Creed to the 
year 703, or even to 600. In short, he scrupled not 
to set the date of it above the year 447 : for he sup- 
poses a Council of Spain, held in that year, to have 
been acquainted with it, and to have borrowed the 
Filioqvs from it«. Thus far he, without any more 
particular determination about either the age or the 

*» Petavius de Trinitaie, bk. vii. c. 8, § 7, in vol. ii. p. 892. 

• Usser de Symholis, p. 29 (24). N.B. Usher went upon the sup- 
position that the words, a patref filioque procedens, were genuine, 
and not foisted into the Confession of that Council ; as they now 
appear to have been, after a more carefiil view of the MSS. of best 
note and greatest antiquity. 

8 THE opnnoKS of thd leabited modebns 

1647. About the same time Dr. Jeremy Taylor 
(afterwards Bishop of Down and Connor) published his 
** Liberty of Prophesying," wherein he expresses his 
doubts whether the Creed be justly ascribed to Atha- 
nasius **. But as he had never seen Usher's Treatise, 
nor indeed Yossius's, nor was at that time furnished 
with any proper assistances to enable him to make any 
accurate enquiries into this matter; it may suffice just 
to have mentioned him, in regard to the deserved 
name he has since borne in the learned world. 

1653. George Ashwell, B.D., published an English 
treatise, which was printed at Oxford, entitled Mdes 
ApostoUca, asserting the received authors and autho- 
rity of the Apostles' Creed. At the end of which 
treatise he has a pretty long Appendix concerning the 
Athanasian Creed, which is well written, and contains 
a good summary of what learned men before him had 
advanced upon the subject. His judgment of it is, 
that it was written in Latin, and by Athanasius him- 
self, about the year 340. 

1659. Hamon L'Estrange", in his ** Alliance of Di- 
vine Offices,*' gives his judgment of the Athanasian 
Creed, that it is not rightly ascribed to Athanasius, but 
yet ancient and extant about the year 600 after Christ. 

1659. Leo Allatius about this year printed his 
Syntagma de Symholo 8, Athanasu, which no doubt 
must be a very useful piece, especially in relation to 
the sentiments of the Greek Churches, and the recep- 
tion of this Creed amongst them ; but I have never 
seen it ; only I learn from Tentzelius (who yet could 

<» Taylor, Liberty of Proph., § 2, 36, in vol. v. p. 407. 
* L'Estrange, AUianoe of Diyine Offices, c. 4, p. 99. 


never get a sight of it) and Fabricius, that such a piece 
was written by AUatius in modem Greek, in 12nio., 
published at Kome 1658 or 1659. It appears to be 
very scarce, since none of the learned who have since 
written upon this Creed, have either referred to it, or 
given extracts out of it, so far as I have observed ; 
excepting only something of that kind at Rome, a.d. 
1667, by the College de propaganda Fide '. 

1663. Cardinal Bona, some years after, in his book 
de 3mna Paalmodia, makes frequent mention of this 
Creed; touches slightly upon the question about its 
age and author; takes some cursory notice of what 
Vossius had said, but nevertheless ascribes it to Atha- 
nasius, as being composed by him while in the western 
parts. Teste Ba/ronio; resting his faith upon Baronius 
as his voucher 8. 

1669. Our very learned Bishop Pearson, in his Ex- 
position of the Creed, occasionally delivers his opinion 
that the Athanasian Creed was written in Latin, and 
by some member of the Latin Church^, and extant 
about the year 600; though the last particular he 
builds only upon an epistle attributed to Isidore of 
Seville, and since judged to be spurious. 

1675. Job. Lud. Ruelius, in his second volume or 
tome, Conciliorum illmtratorumy has a particular dis- 
sertation, about thirty pages in quarto, upon this Creed. 
He follows Yossius's opinion for the most part, re- 
peating the same arguments *. 

' Vid. TentzQl, Judic. &c., p. 147; Fabricius, ^ift/w^A. Gfrceca, 
vol. V. p. 410. 

s Bona, de Divina Psalmod., c. 16, § 18, p. 864. 

*> Pearson on the Creed, Art. 8, p. 669, n. (p. 324, ed. 3) ; Art. 
5, p. 400, n. (p. 226.) 

» Euelius, ConciL Illustrai.^ voL ii« pp. 689— ^IQ. 

10 THE opnn:oNS or the leaened modeens 

1675. Our ^ext man of eminent character is Pas- 
chasius Quesnel, a celebrated French divine. In the 
year 1675, he published his famous edition of Pope 
Leo's works, with several very valuable dissertations 
of his own. His fourteenth contains, among other 
matters, a particular enquiry about the author of this 
Creed. He ascribes it to Vigilius Tapsensis, the 
African '^; and so well defends his position, that he 
has almost drawn the learned world after him. He 
is looked upon as the father of that opinion, because 
he has so learnedly and handsomely supported it ; but 
he is not the first that espoused it, for Labbe, about 
fifteen years before, had taken notice of some that had 
ascribed this Greed to Yigilius, at the same time signi- 
fying his dissent from them \ 

1676. The year after Quesnel, Sandius, the famous 
Arian, printed a second edition of his Nticlem, <&c., 
with an Appendix; wherein he corrects his former 
judgment"^ of this Creed, taken implicitly from Yos- 
sius; and allows, nay, contends and insists upon it, 
that this Creed was not only known, but known under 
the name of Athanasius, as high at least as the year 
770". He ascribes it, upon conjecture, to one Atha- 
nasius, Bishop of Spire in Germany, who died in the 
year 642. 

1678. I ought not to pass over our very learned 
Cudworth, though he has entered very little into the 
point before us. He gives his judgment, in passing, 

^ Quesnel, Dissert xiv. p. 729, &o. 

1 I^bbe, Dissert, de Script, JEccles., vol. ii. p. 477. 

"> Sandius, Niicl. Bistor. JEccles,, p. 256. 

^ Sandius^ Appendix, p. 35. 


of the Creed commonly called Athanasian, that it was 
written a long time after Athanasius, by some other 

1680. Henricus Heideggerus, in his second volume 
of select dissertations (published at Zurich), has one 
whole dissertation, which is the eighteenth, containing 
near forty pages in quarto. This author takes his 
account of the Creed mostly from Yossius; does not 
allow it to be Athanasius' s, only called by his name as 
containing the Athanasian faith : and he defends the 
doctrine of the Creed at large against the objections 
of Dudithius and other Antitrinitarians ; and concludes 
with a running comment upon the whole. 

1681. Wolfgang Gundling, a German writer, the year 
after, published a small tract, containing notes upon 
a little piece relating to the religion of the Greek 
Churches, written by Eustratius Johannides Zialowski. 
What is chiefly valuable in Gundling, is his account 
of the Greek copies of this Creed, (printed ones I mean,) 
giving us six of them together. He occasionally ex- 
presses his doubts whether the Creed be Athanasius's, 
or of some later writer p. 

1683. I may next mention our celebrated eccle- 
siastical historian. Dr. Cave, who about this time 
published his Lives of the Fathers, and particularly 
of Athanasius. His account of this Creed is, that it 
was never heard of in the world till above 600 years 
after Athanasius was dead ; but barely mentioned then, 
and not urged with any confidence till above 200 years 
after, when the legates of Pope Gregory IX. produced 

o Cudworth, Intellect. Syst., bk. i. c. 4. p. 620. 
P GundliDg, Notes on Zialowski, p. 68, &q. 


and pleaded it at Constantinople \ The learned doctor, 
it is plain, took this account from Yossius, and had 
never seen Usher's treatise, which one may justly 
wonder at. Five years after, in his Htstoria Ltterarta, 
he allows that this Creed had heen spoken of by 
Theodulphus, which was within 436 years of A.tha- 
nasius ; but not a word yet of any elder testimony or 
manuscript, though both had been discovered and 
publicly taken notice of before this time. He still con- 
tends that the Creed obtained not in the Christian 
Churches before 1000, nor became famous everywhere 
before 1233; but inclines nevertheless to ascribe it 
to Vigilius Tapsensis, who flourished about the year 

1684. Dr. Comber, in his book entitled " A Compa- 
nion to the Temple," closes in with the old tradition 
of the Creed being Athanasius's, repeating the most 
considerable arguments usually pleaded for that per- 
suasion '. 

1684. To him I may subjoin Bishop Beveridge, who 
perhaps about this time might write his thoughts on 
the Creed, in his Exposition of our Articles, published 
after his death. He was so diligent and knowing a 
man, that had he been to consider this matter in his 
later years, he would certainly have given a more 
particular and accurate account than that which now 
appears. He ascribes the Creed to Athanasius, but 
with some diffidence, and thinks it might have been 
originally a Greek composition, but that the old Greek 

'i Cave, Life of Athanasius, § 6, Art. 10, in vol. ii. p. 106. 
' Cave, UUtw. Literar., vol. i. pp. 146, 371. 
■ Comber^ Companion to the Temple, p. 144. 


copies haye been lost, and that the only remaining 
ones are Yersions from the Latin *. 

1685. Cabassutius, in his Notitia Ucchsiaatica, hath 
a short dissertation about the author of this Creed". 
He contents himself with repeating Quesners Argu- 
ments, to prove that Athanasius was not the author of 
it, determining nothing farther, save only that it was 
originally a Latin composure, known ai^d cited by the 
Council of Autun, about the year 670. 

1687. The celebrated Dupin, in his Ecclesiastical 
History, sums up the reasons usually urged to prove 
the Creed is none of Athanasius's, and assents to them. 
He determines with confidence that it was originally 
a Latin composition, and not known till the fifth cen- 
tury; repeats Father Quesners reasons for ascribing 
it to Vigilius Tapsensis, and acquiesces in them as 
having nothing more certain in this matter ^. 

1687. About the same time, Tentzelius, a learned 
Lutheran, published a little treatise upon the subject, 
setting forth the several opinions of learned men con- 
cerning this Creed. He is very full and accurate in 
his collection, omitting nothing of moment that had 
been said before him by any of the learned modems, 
but bringing in some further materials from his own 
searches to add new light to the subject. He deter- 
mines nothing, but leaves it to the reader to make a 
judgment as he sees cause from a full view of the 

1688. I may place here the learned Pagi, who in 

* Beveridge, on Art. 8, (p. 162), in vol. ix. p. 277. 
" Cabassutius, NotU. EccUt., Dissert, zix. p. 54. 
^ Dupin, Ecoles. Histor., vol. ii. p. 35. 


his critic upon Baronius passes his judgment of this 
Creed*: which being the same with Quesnel's, and 
little more than repetition from him, I need not be 
more particular about him. 

1693. Joseph Antelmi, a leanied Paris divine, first 
began directly to attack Quesnel's opinion, and to sap 
the reasons on which it was founded. He published 
a particular dissertation to that purpose, consisting of 
eighty-five pages in octavo. He ascribes the Creed to 
Vincentius Lirinensis, who flourished ill the year 434. 

1695. The famous Tillemont wrote after Antelmius, 
for he makes mention of his treatise, and examines his 
hypothesis, and yet it could not be long after, for he 
died in the year 1697. He commends Mr. Antelmi's 
performance as a considerable work, but inclines still 
rather to Quesners opinion. All that he pronounces 
certain is, that the Creed is none of Athanasius's, but 
yet as old as the sixth century or older y. 

1698. In the year 1698 Montfaucon published his 
new and accurate edition of Athanasius's works. In 
the second tome he has an excellent dissertation upon 
this Creed, the best that is extant, either for order 
and method, or for plenty of useful matter. The sum 
of his judgment is, that the Creed is certainly none of 
Athanasius's, nor yet VigQius Tapsensis's, nor suffi- 
ciently proved to belong to Vincentius Lirinensis ; but 
probably enough composed about the time of Vincentius, 
and by a Gallican writer or writers *. 

« Pagi, Critic, in Baron. Ann.' ZiO, §§ 6— 8, pp. 120, 121 (p. 440). 

7 TillemoDt, MimovreSf note x:xxiv. vol. viii. p. 282 (p. 667). 

* '* Symbolum ' Quicunque ' AtbaDasio iDcunctanter abjudioan- 
dum arbitramur. — Afro itaqueVigilio nihU est quod svinbolum *Qui- 
ounque ' tiiboatur. — non segre quidem ooncesserim Vinoentii »tate 


1698. In the same year, Ludovicus Antonius Mura- 
torius, an Italian writer, published a second tome of 
Anecdota out of the Ambrosian library at Milan. 
Among other manuscripts there, he had met with an 
ancient comment upon this Creed, ascribed to Venan- 
tius Fortunatus, who was Bishop of Poictiers in France 
in the sixth century. He publishes the comment, 
together with a dissertation of his own concerning 
the author of the Creed, concluding, at length, that 
Venantius Fortunatus, the certain author of the Com- 
ment, might possibly be the author of the Creed too. 
He entirely rejects the opinion of those that would 
ascribe it to Athanasius, and disapproves of Quesnel's 
persuasion about Vigilius Tapsensis, but speaks fa- 
vourably of Antelmi's, as coming nearest to the truth '. 

1712. Fabricius, in his Bihliotheca Graca^ (highly 
valued by all men of letters), gives a summary account 
of the sentiments of the learned relating to this Creed, 
His conclusion from aU is, that thus far may be de- 
pended on as certain: that the Creed was not com- 
posed by Athanasius, but long after in the fifth cen- 
tury, written originally in Latin, and afterwards trans- 
lated into Greek. 

1712. In the same year, the learned Le Quien pub- 
lished a new edition of Damascen, with previous dis- 
sertations to it. In the £rst of these he has several 

editam ftiisse illam fidei professionem. — Haud abs re conjectant 
Viri eruditi in Galliis illud (symbolnm) fuisse elucubratum."— 
Montf., Diatrib. in Symh., pp. 723, 724, 726. 

* ^'Haec et similia pluribus pertractavit eruditissimus Antelmius, 
cujus opinioni quorumDam eruditorum suflragia accesserint me 
penitus fiigit: fateor tamen ad veritatem omnium maxime illam 
accedere." — Muratori, Anecd., vol. ii. p. 222. 

^ Fabricius, Bihliotk. Orceca, bk. y. c. 2, § 88, in vol. v. p. 315. 


very considerable remarks concerning the age and au- 
thor of the Athanasian Creed. He appears inclinable 
to ascribe it to Pope Anastasius I. (who entered upon 
the pontificate in the year 398) because of some an- 
cient testimonies, as well as manuscripts, carrying the 
name of Anastasius in the title of the Creed ; but he 
is positive that the Creed must be set as high as the 
age of St. Austin, Vincentius, and Vigilius «. And, as 
Antelmius before had made light of the supposition 
that the internal characters of the Creed shew it to be 
later than Eutyches, he makes as light of the other 
supposition of the internal characters setting it later 
than Nestorius. 

1714. Natalis Alexander's new edition of his Eccle- 
siastical History bears date a.d. 1714. He had ex- 
amined into our present question some years before 
(about 1676, when his first edition came abroad), sub- 
scribing to the opinion of Quesnel, and he does not 
appear to have altered his mind since. He takes 
notice of Antelmi's opinion, and speaks respectfully of 
it, as also of the author, but prefers the other hypo- 
thesis \ 

1715. I ought not here to omit the late learned 
Mr. Bingham, to whom the public has been highly 
indebted for his Origines Ucdesiasticce, collected with 
great judgment, and digested into a clear method. 
He had a proper occasion to say something of the 
Athanasian Creed in passing, and very briefly. He 
observes that it was not composed by Athanasius, but 

^ '^Omnino fateri cogor Aagustini, Vinoentii, et Vigilii setate 
extitisse expositionem Latinam Fidei, qa» postmodum Athanasio 
magno attribui meruerit." — Le QuioD, Dissert. Damasc^ i. p. 9. 

^ Natal. AlexaDd., £ccl. Hist., vol. iv. p. 111. 


by a later and a Latin writer, and particularly Vigilius 
Tapsensis; referring to such learned modems as I 
have above mentioned, for the proof of it, and giving 
no more than short hints of their reasons *. 

1719. Dr. Clarke of St. James's, in his second edition 
of his Scripture Doctrine ', gives us his last thoughts 
in relation to this Creed. Referring to Dr. Cave he 
informs us, that this Creed was never seen till about 
the year 800, near 400 years after the death of Atha- 
nasius (they are his own words), nor was received in 
the Church till so very late as about the year 1000. 
Yet Cave does not say, ** was never seen*' (for he him- 
self ascribes it to Yigilius Tapsensis of the fifth century), 
but only that it was not quoted before the year 800, 
or nearly, which yet is a very great mistake. "What 
the learned Doctor intended by saying " about the year 
800," and yet only ** near 400 years after the death of 
Athanasius," or, as he elsewhere^ expresses it, ** above 
300 years after the death of Athanasius," I do not 
understand, but must leave to those that can compute 
the distance between 873 (the latest year that Athana- 
sius is ever supposed to have lived) and the year 800. 
I am persuaded the Doctor was thinking, that if Atha- 
nasius had lived to the year 400, then the distance had 
been just 400 years; but as he died twenty-seven 
years before, the distance must be so much the less, 
when it is quite the contrary. 

1722. The last man that has given his sentiments in 

* Bingham, Oriy. Eccies., bk» x. o. 4, § 18, in vol. iii. p. 92, &c. 
(vol. iv. p. 112, &o.) 

' Clarke's Script. Doctr., pt. iii. o. 2, in vol. iii. p. 205, (p. 379, 
2nd edit.) 

f Ibid., p. 447, 1st ed. 


relation to this Creed is Casimirus Oudinus, in hb now 
edition of his Supplement (now called a Commentary) 
to the Ecclesiastical Writers. I need say no more than 
that he does not seem to have spent much pains in re- 
examiniDg this subject, but rests content with his first 
thoughts, ascribing the Creed, with Quesnel, to Vi- 
gilius Tapsensis '*. 

These are the principal modems that have fallen 
within my notice, and of these the most considerable 
are Vossius, Usher, Quesnel, Tentzelius, Antelmius, 
Tillemont, Montfaucon, Muratorius, and Le Quien; as 
having particularly studied the subject, and struck 
new light into it, either furnishing fresh materials, or 
improving the old by new observations. Some, perhaps, 
may wish to have the several opinions of the moderns 
thrown into a narrower compass: for which reason 
I have thought it not improper to subjoin the follow- 
ing table, which will represent all in one view, for the 
ease and conveniency of every common reader. 

^ Oudin., Comment, de Scriptw. EccUs.y vol. i. pp. 346, 1248, 1322. 




WiBt 0»ntraj 
oompood in. 

Thit Te&r 




A L.tln anlhor. 


i.1.. 1000 


BLahop Tb; loc. 



Bttoit 441 





Card. tl<>ii^. 

Athiiiiariut Alex. 




About «oa 

Puoh»K, UucBnel. 

Vigilim TopKiulB. 





Bafore ITS 

Dr. Cudworih. 

Aft« Ihs FoDtlh. 


VigilluB Tapstaais. 




Dr. CBTe. 

Viirfflua TapsenslB. 




Dr. Comber, 


Bp. Beveridnc. 

.\ LotiD sulbot. 


Before 6V0 







■Vidccnliua Llrinens. 



Before 4M 




Biltb, or »onar. 


AM. Mu.atorin». 

A Latin author. 




Le am^n. 

Foqrth or Fifth. 

Before 401 


[T.UL Aloiaoaf r. 




TigiliUB TapMMlfc 



Vlgmu. TapMDdl. 

iflTmth or Eighth. 




Ancient Testimonies. 

Having taken a view of the modems in relation to 
the Creed, we may now enter upon a detail of the an- 
cients and their testimonies, by which the moderns 
must be tried. My design is to lay before the reader 
all the original evidence I can meet with, to give any 
light either into the age or author of the Creed, or its 
reception in the Christian Churches, that so the reader 
may be able to judge for himself concerning the three 
particulars now mentioned, which are what I con- 
stantly bear in my eye, producing nothing but with 
a view to one or more of them. 

Ancient testimonies have been pretended from Gre- 
gory Kazianzen, Gaudentius Brixiensis, St. Austin, and 
Isidorus Hispalen&is, of the fourth, fifth, and sixth cen- 
turies* ; but they have been since generally and justly 
exploded by the learned as being either spurious or 
foreign to the point ; and therefore I conceive it very 
needless to take any further notice of them. As to 
quotations from our Creed, or conmients upon it, falling 
within the compass of the centuries now mentioned, 
if there be any such, they shall be considered under 
other heads, distinct from that of ancient testimonies, 
properly so caUed, to be treated of in this chapter. 

> These testimonies are collected and discussed hj Montfaucon, 
{Diairib, in Symb,, pp. 719, 720) ; from whum Dr. Waterland ap- 
pears to have obtained most of the passages quoted in this chapter. 


670. The oldest of this kind hitherto discovered or 
observed, is that of the Council of Autun in France, 
under Leodegarius, or St. Leger, the Bishop of the 
place in the seventh century. There is some dispute 
about the year when the Council was held, whether 
in 663, or 666, or 670. The last is most probable, and 
most generally embraced by learned men. The words 
of this Council in English, run thus: — **If any pres- 
byter, deacon, sub-deacon, or clerk, doth not unre- 
provably recite the Creed which the Apostles delivered 
by inspiration of the Holy Ghost, and also the faith 
of the holy prelate Athanasius, let him be censured by 
the Bishop^." By the faith of Athanasius is here 
meant what we now call the Athanasian Creed, as may 
be reasonably pleaded from the titles which this Creed 
bore in the earlier times before it came to have the 
name of a Creed; which titles shall be exhibited 
both from manuscripts and written evidences in the 
sequel. Yet it must not be dissembled that Papebro- 
chius, a learned man, and whom I find cited with 
approbation by Muratorius®, is of opinion that the 
faith of Athanasius here mentioned, means the Nicene 

t» '* Si quia presbyter, diaconus, sub-diaconus, vel olerious, sym- 
bolum quod Sanoio iDspirante fc>piritu Apostoli tradiderunt et 
fidem Sancti Athanasii prffisulis irreprehensibiliter non reoensue- 
rit; ab episoopo oondemnetur." — Augustodun. SyDOd., in Harduin, 
vol. iii. p. 1016. 

• " Atqiii, ut eruditissime adnotavit clarissimiis P. Papebroohius, 
in Respons. ad exbibitionem Errorum par. ii. Art. 13. u. 36, verbis 
illis fidem S. Athanasii, minimo symbolum Athanasianum desig- 
natur, sed quidem Nicffinum, in quo elaborando plurimum insudasse 
Atbanasium verisimile est. Etenim cur Apostolico symbolo com- 
mendato Nicsenum prsetermisissent Augustoduneuses Patres t Cur 
Atbanasiani symbou, cujus tunc nullus erat usus in sacris, cogni- 
tionem ezegissent, Nicsenumque ne uno quidem verbo commemo- 
rassent V — Murator., Anecdot, vol. ii. p. 223. 


Greed, which Athanasius had some hand in, and where- 
of he was the great defender. I can by no means 
come into his opinion, or allow any force to his reason- 
ings. He asks, Why should the Nicene Creed be 
omitted and not mentioned with the Apostles' ? and, 
why should the Athanasian not then used in the sacred 
offices, be recommended so careftilly without a word 
of the Nicene ? I answer, because it does not appear 
that the Mcene Creed was so much taken notice of at 
that time in the Gallican Churches, while the Apo- 
stolical or Eoman Creed made use of in baptism in 
the Western Churches instead of the Nicene, (which 
prevailed in the East,) in a manner superseded it; 
which no one can wonder at who considers how pre- 
vailing and imiversal the tradition had been in the 
Latin Church, down from the fifth century at least, 
that the Apostolical Creed was composed by the twelve 
Apostles, and therefore as sacred and of as great autho- 
rity as the inspired writings themselves. Besides that, 
it appears from Hincmar, who will be cited in his 
place, that it was no strange thing even so low as his 
time, about 850, to recommend the Athanasian Creed 
along with the Apostles', without a word of the Nicene. 
And why should it be thought any objection against 
the Athanasian Creed that it was not at that time re- 
ceived into the sacred offices, (supposing it really was 
not, which may be questioned,) when it is certain that 
the Nicene was not yet received into the sacred offices 
in Prance, nor till many years after, about the time of 
Pepin or of Charles the Great? There is therefore 
no force at all in the argument of Papebrochius ; but 
there is this strong prejudice against it, that the title 


I *- - — 

there given is a very common title for the Athanasian 
Creed and not for the ITicene. Nor would the Fathers 
of that Council have been so extravagantly fond of the 
name of Athanasius, as to think it a greater commen- 
dation of the Creed of "Nice to call it after him than 
to call it the Nicene. There is, then, no reasonable 
doubt to be made but that the Council of Autun in the 
Canon intended the Athanasian Creed, as the best 
critics and the generality of the learned have hitherto 

But there are other objections of real weight against 
the evidence built upon this canon. 1. Oudin makes 
it a question whether there was ever any Council held 
under Leodegarius, a suffragan bishop under the Arch- 
bishop of Lyons, having no metropolitical authority **. 
But it may suffice if the Council was held at Autun, 
while he was bishop of the place, a good reason why 
he should be particularly mentioned; especially con- 
sidering the worth and fame of the man, to say nothing 
of the dignity of his see, which from the time of Gre- 
gory the Great, had been the second or next in dignity 
to the metropolitical see of Lyons. Nor do I perceive 
any force in Oudin's objection against St. Leger's hold- 
ing a diocesan synod (for a provincial synod is not 
pretended), though he was no metropolitan. 2. A 
stronger objection is that the canon we are concerned 
with, cannot be proved to belong to the council held 
under Leodegarius. It is not found among the canons 
of that council published by Sirmondus, from the manu- 
scripts of the Library of the Church of Angers, but it 
is from another collection out of the library of the 
* OudiD^ Comment, de Scripior. Eccles., vol. i. p. 348. 


monastery of St. Benignus, of Dijon, with this title 
only, Canones AugvAtodunenses ; ' so that one cannot 
be certain whether it belongs to the synod under St. 
Leger, or to some other synod of Antun much later. 
It must be owned that the evidence can amount to no 
more than probable presumption or conjecture ; where- 
fore Dupin*, Tentzelius', Muratorius^, and Oudin**, 
do not scruple to throw it aside as of too suspected 
credit to build anything certain upon : and even Ques- 
nel* expresses some dissatisfaction about it; only in 
respect to some great names, such as Sirmondus, Peter 
le Lande, Godfr. Hermantius, &c., he is willing to 
acquiesce in it. To whom we may add, Labbe^, Le 
Coint ^, Cabassutius *, Pagi "", Tillemont ", Montfau- 
con **, Fabricius P, Harduin '*, and our learned antiquary 
Mr. Bingham % who. all accept it as genuine, but upon 
probable persuasion rather than certain conviction. 
I^either do I pretend to propose it as clear and un- 
doubted evidence, but probable only, and such as will 
be much confirmed by other evidences to be mentioned 

760. Regino, Abbot of Prom in Gennany, an author 

« Dupin, Eocl. Hist., vol. ii. p. 35. 

' Tentzel., Jvdic. Erud., p. 61, &c. 

if Murator., Anecdot., vol. ii. p. 223. 

•» Oudin, Comment, de ScHptor. Hccles., vol. i. p. 348. 

* Quesnel, Dissert, xiv. p. 731. 

J Labbe, Dissert, de Scriptor. Eccles., vol. ii. p. 478. 

K Le Cointe, Annal. Franc, dd Ann. 663, n. '22. 

1 Cabassut., Notit. Eccl. Dissert, xix. p. 64. 

«« Pagi, Crit. in Baron. Ann. 340, § 6. p. 120. 

■ Tillemont, Mhrvoires, vol. viii. p. 283, (vol viii. p. 668.) 

• Montfauo., Diatrib. in Symh.y p. 720. 

p Fabric, Bihl. Grose. , lib. v. c. 2, § 88, in vol. v. p. 316. 
«i Harduin, Condi. , vol. iii. p. 1016. 

' Bingham, Oriff. Ecckt., bk. x. c. 4, § 18, in vol. iii. p. 94, (vol. 
iv. p. 120. 


of the ninth and tenth centuries, has among other 
collections, some Articles of Inquiry, supposed by Ba- 
luzius the editor to be as old, or very nearly, as the 
age of Boniface, Bishop of Mentz, who died in the 
year 754. In those articles, there is one to this pur- 
pose : "Whether the clergy have by heart Athana- 
sius's tract upon the faith of the Trinity, beginning 
with Whosoever will be saved ■," &c. This testimony 
I may venture to place about 760, a little after the 
death of Boniface. 

794. The Council of Frankfort, in Germany, in 
their 33rd Canon, give orders that " The Catholic 
faith of the holy Trinity, and Lord's Prayer, and Creed, 
be set forth and delivered to all *." 

Vossius "* understands the canon of the two Creeds 
Nicene and Apostolical; but I know not why the 
Apostolical or !Boman Creed should be emphatically 
called Symholum Fidei^ the Creed, in opposition to the 
Nicene, nor why the l^icene should not be called 
a Creed as well as the other, after the usual way. 
Besides that Fides CatkoUea^ &c., has been more pe- 
culiarly the title of the Athanasian Creed; and it was 
no uncommon thing, either before or after this time, to 
recommend it in this manner together with the Lord's 
Prayer, and Apostles' Creed, just as we find here. And 
nothing could be at that time of greater service against 
the heresy of Pelix and Elipandus, (which occasioned the 

■ '*Si sermonem Athanasii episoopi de Fide SanotsB Trinitatis, 
cujus initium est, ' Quicunque vult Salvus esse,' meiiioriter teneat." 
— Begin, de Discipl. Eccles., lib. i. o. 1, § 85. 

< ** Ut fides CathoUca sanotse Trinitatis, et Oratio Dominica, at* 
que Symbolum Fidei omnibus prssdioetur, et tradatur." — ConoiL 
Francf., Can. 33, in Uarduin, vol. ir. p. 908. 

" Vossius de tribus Symb, Dissei't, iii. c. 26, p. 528. 


calling of the CounciV,) than the Athanasian Creed ; 
for which reasons, till I see better reasons to the con- 
trary, I must be of opinion that the Council of Frank- 
fort in their 33rd Canon intended the Athanasian 
Creed, which Charles the Great had a particular respect 
for, and had presented in form to Pope Adrian I., 
above twenty years before, as we shall see in another 

809. Theodulphus, Bishop of Orleans in France, 
has a Treatise of the Holy Ghost, with a preface to 
Charles the Great, written at a time when the dispute 
about the procession began to make disturbance. He 
brings several testimonies in favour of the procession 
from the Son out of Athanasius ; and, among others, 
a pretty large part of the Athanasian Creed, from the 
words, "The Father is made of none," &c.. to, **He 
therefore that will be saved must thus think of the 
Trinity ','* inclusive. 

809. An anonymous writer of the same time, and 
in the same cause, and directing himself to the same 
prince, makes the like use of the Athanasian Creed, 
in the following words: **St. Athanasius, in the Ex- 
position of the Catholic faith, which that great master 
wrote himself, and which the Universal Church pro- 
fesses, declares the procession of the Holy Ghost from 
the Father and Son, thus saying, * The Father is made 
of none ",' " &c. This I cite upon the credit of Siimon- 
duB in his Notes to Theodulphus. 

▼ "Item idem .... 'Pater a nuUo est factu8/&o., usque ad 'Qui 
vult ergo Salvus esse/" &c. — Theodulph. de Spii-itu Sancto^ in 
Sirmond. Oper., vol. iu p. 978. 

^ ** Incertus Autor quem diximus, hoc ipso utens testimonio, 
Beatus^ inquit, Athauasius, in ezpositione OathoUosB fidei, quam 


809. It was in the same year that the Latin Monks 
of Mount Olivet wrote their apologetical letter to 
Pope Leo III., justifying their doctrine of the pro- 
cession from the Son, against one John of Jerusalem, 
a monk too, of another monastery, and of an opposite 
persuasion. Among other authorities they appeal to 
the faith of Athanasius, that is, to the Creed, as we 
now call it. This I have from Le Quien, the learned 
editor of Damascen, who had the copy of that letter 
from Baluzius, as he there signifies *. 

820. Not long after, Hatto, otherwise called Hetto 
and Ahyto, Bishop of Basil in France, composed his 
Capitular, or Book of Constitutions, for the regulation 
of the clergy of his diocese. Amongst other good rules, 
this makes the fourth : ** That they should have the 
Faith of Athanasius by heart, dnd recite it at the 
Prime (that is, at seven o'clock in the morning) every 
Lord's Day y." 

820. Agobardus of the same time. Archbishop of 
Lyons, wrote against Felix Orgelitanus, where he occa- 
sionally cites part of the Athanasian Creed. His words 
are: '^ St. Athanasius says, that except a man doth 

ipse ^^^us doctor conscripsit, et quam universalis confitetur 
ecclesia, processionem Spiritus Sancti a Patre et Filio declarat, 
ita dicens : ' Pater a nullo est factus/ " &c. — Sirmond. Oper., vol. ii. 
p. 978 ; cf. p. 967. 

> '* Id Regula Sancti Benedicti quam nobis dedit Filius vester 
Domnus Earolus, quse habet fidem scriptam de Sancta et insepa- 
rabili Trinitate ; * Credo Spiritum Sanctum Deum verum ex patre 
procedentem et filio :' et in Dialogo quem nobis vestra Sanctitas 
dare dignata est similiter dicit. £t in Fide S. Athauasii eodem 
modo dicit." — Monacki de Monte Oliv., in Jje Quien, Dissert. 
Damasc, p. 7. 

J <'QuartO; ut fides Sancti Athanasii a sacerdotibus discatur, et 
ex corde Die Dominico ad Primam recitetur." — Basil., CapituL, in 
Harduin., vol. iv. p. 1241. 


keep the Catholic faith whole and undefiled, without 
douht he shall perish everlastingly ■." 

852. In the same age flourished the famous Hincmar, 
Archbishop of Rheims, who so often cites or refers to 
the Creed we are speaking of, as a standing rule of 
faith, that it may be needless to produce the particular 
passages. I shall content myself with one only, more 
considerable than the rest for the use that is to be 
made of it hereafter. He directs his Presbyters "to 
learn Athanasius's Treatise of Paith (beginning with 
* Whosoever will be saved '), to commit it to memory, 
to understand its meaning, and to be able to give it 
in common words * ;" that is, I suppose, in the vulgar 
tongue. He at the same time recommends the Lord's 
Prayer and (Apostles') Creed ^, as I take it, without 
mentioning the Mcene; which I pai-ticularly remark 
for a reason to be seen above. It is farther observable 
that though Hincmar here gives the Athanasian for- 
mulary the name of a Treatise of Faith, yet he else- 
where « scruples not to call it {Symholum) a Creed; 
and he is, probably, as Sirmondus observes **, the first 

> ** Beatus Athanasius ait : Fidem Catholicam nisi quis integram, 
inviolatamque servaverit, absque dubio in setemum peribit." — 
Agobard., adv. dogma FelicU, o. 3, in vol. i. p. 5. 

• ** Unusquisque presbyterorum expositionem syroboli atque Ora- 
tionis dominicse juxta Traditionem Orthodoxorum Patrum plenius 
discat . . . Psalmorum etiam verba, et distiuctiones regulanter, et 
ex corde, cum Canticis consuetudinariis pronuntiare soiat. Necnon 
et sermonem Athanasii de fide, cujus initium est, ' Quicunque vult 
Salvus esse,' memorise quisque commendet. sensum iUius intelligat, 
et verbis communibus enuntiare queat. * — Hinom., Capitula ad 
presbyteros, i. 1, in vol. i. p. 710. 

b Yid. Hincm., Optuc. ad Hincmar. Latidunensem, c. 24, in vol. 
ii. p. 474. 

• " Athanasius in Symbolo dicens," &o.; id., de PrcBdeHin., vol. i. 
p. 309. 

d Sirmond. Not. in Theodufyh., vol. ii p. 978. 


writer who gave it the name it bears at this day. 
"Which I suppose may have led Oudin into his mistake, 
that no writer before Hincmar ever made mention of 
this Creed*; a mistake, which, though taken notice 
of by Tentzelius ' in the year 1687, he has nevertheless 
again and again repeated in his last edition. 

865. In the same age lived Anscharius, monk also of 
Corbey, and afterwards Archbishop of Hamburg and 
Bremen in Germany. Among his dying instructions 
to his clergy, he left this for one; that they should 
be careful to recite the Catholic faith composed by 
Athanasius ». This is reported by Rembertus, the 
writer of his life, and successor to him in the same 
see, who had been likewise monk of Corbey : so that 
we have here two considerable testimonies in one. 

868. Contemporary with these was -^neas Bishop of 
Paris, who, in his Treatise against the Greeks, quotes 
the Athanasian Creed under the name of Mdea Co" 
thoUca^y Catholic faith, producing the same paragraph 
of it which Theodulphus had done sixty years before. 

868. About the same time, and in the same cause, 
Ratram or Bertram, monk of Corbey in France, made 
the like use of this Creed, calling it, A Treatise of 
the Faith K 

• Oudin, Comment, de Scriptor. Eccl., toI. i. pp. 346, 1322. 
' Tentzel., Judic. Erud., p. 144 

ff *' Fratres .... admonuit ipse . . . . ut canerent Fidem Catholi- 
cam a Beato Athanasio compositam." — Rembert., VU. Anschar.f 
p. 237. 

^ ** Sanctus Athanasius, Alezandrinse sedis Episcopus, &o....Item 
idem in Fide Catholioa : quod Spiritus Sanctus a Patre procedat, et 
Filio. Pater a nullo est f actus," &c. — <^neas Paris. , adv. OrcBC,. c. 19. 

* ** Beatus Athanasius, Alexandrinus episcopus, in Libello ae fide 
quern edidit, et omnibus Catholicis tenendum proposuit inter 
c»tera sic ait ; Pater a nullo est faotus, nee creatus, neo geni- 
tus," &o.— Ratr., contra Orcecor, oppos.f lib. ii. c. 3. 


871. Adalbertus of this time, upon his nomination 
to a Bishopric in the province of Kheims, was obliged 
to give in a profession of his Faith to Archbishop 
Hincmar. Among other things, he professes his great 
regard to the Athanasian Creed {Sermo Athanasii), as 
a Creed received with great veneration by the Catholic 
Church, or being of customary and venerable use in 
it^. This testimony is considerable in regard to the 
reception of this Creed ; and not before taken notice 
of, so far as I know, by those that have treated of this 

889. This Creed is again mentioned in the same 
age by Kiculphus, Bishop of Soissons in France, in his 
pastoral Charge to the Clergy of his diocese. He calls 
it a Treatise (or Discourse) of Catholic Faith i. This 
I take from Father Harduin's Councils, as also the 
former, with the dates of both. 

960. Katherius, Bishop of Verona in Italy in the 
year 928, and afterwards of Liege in Germany in the 
year 953, and restored to his See of Verona in the year 
955, did after this time write instructions to his clergy 
of Verona ; in which he makes mention of all the 
three Creeds, Apostolical, Mcene, and Athanasian ; 
obliging his clergy to have them all by heart ; which 

k " Tn Sermone Beati Athanasii, quern Eccleda Catholica vene- 
rando usu frequentare consueyit, qui ita incipit ; * Quicunque vult 
SalTus esse, ante omnia opus est ut teneat Catholioam Fidem.' Pro- 
fessio Adalbert! episcopi Morinensis futuri." — Harduin., Condi. ^ 
vol. V. p. 1445. 

^ " Item monemus, ut unusquisque vestrum Psalmos, et sermo- 
nem fidei Catholics, oujus initium, * Quiounque vult Salvas esse/ et 
canonem misssB, et can turn, vel compotum, memoriter, et veraciter 
et correcte tenere studeat. " — ^Rioulf., Constitution 5^ in Harduin, 
vol. vi. p. 416. 


shews that they were all of standing use in his time, 
in his diocese at least ™. 

997. iNear the close of this century lived Abbo, or 
Albo, Abbot of Fleury, or St. Benedict upon the Loire 
in France. Upon some diflPerence he had with Arnul- 
phus, Bishop of Orleans, he wrote an apology which 
he addressed to the two kings of France, Hugh and 
Eobert. In that apology he has a passage relating to 
our purpose running thus: "I thought proper, in the 
first place, to speak concerning the Faith, which I 
have heard variously sung in alternate choirs, both in 
France and in the Church of England. For some, 
I think, say in the Athanasian form, * The Holy Ghost 
is of the Father and of the Son, neither made, nor 
created, but proceeding:' who while they leave out 
*nor begotten,' are persuaded that they are the more 
conformable to Gregory's Sy nodical Epistle, wherein it 
is written that the * Holy Ghost is neither unbegotten, 
nor begotten, but proceeding".'*' I have taken the 
liberty of throwing in a word or two to make the sen- 
tence run the clearer. What the author intends is, 
that some scrupulous persons both in France and Eng- 

n " Ipsam fidem, id est oredulitatem Dei, trifarie parare memo- 
riter festinetis : Hoc est, secimdum Symbolum id est collationem 
Apostolonim, sicut in Psalteriis correctis invemtur ; et illam qus9 
ad missam canitur ; et illam Sancti Athaoasii quae ita incipit ; ' Qui- 
cunque vult Salvus esse'. . . Sermonem, ut superius dixi, Athanasii 
Episcopi de fide Trinitatis, oujus initium est, * Quicunque vult, me- 
moriter teneat."— Ratherii, Stfnod. EpinL, in Harduin, vol. vi. p. 791. 

■ ** Primitus de Fide dicendum credidi ; quam alternantibus 
choris et in Francia, et apud Anglorum Ecclesiam variari audivi 
Alii enim dicunt, ut arbitror, secundum Athauasium, ' Spiritus 
Sanctus a Patre et Filio non f actus, non oreatus, sed prooedens :* 
qui dum id quod est neo genitus subtrahunt, Synodicam Domni 
Gregorii se sequi credunt, ubi ita est scriptum ; * Spiritus Sanctus 
nee ingenitus est, neo genitus, sed prooedens.' " — Abbo Floriaoens., 
Apol. ad Franeor, R^et, c. 15. 


land, recited the Athanasian Creed "with some altera- 
tion, leaving out two words to make it agree the 
better, as they imagined, with Gregory's synodical 
instructions. As to their scruple herein, and the ground 
of it, I shall say more of it in a proper place. AU 
I am to observe at present is, that this testimony is 
full for the custom of alternate singing the Athana- 
sian Creed at this time in the French and English 
Churches. And indeed we shall meet with other as 
full, and withal earlier evidence of the same custom, 
when we come to treat of manuscripts in the following 
chapters. To proceed with our ancient testimonies. 

1047. In the next century we meet with Gualdo, 
a monk of Corbey, who likewise wrote the Life of 
Anscharius, but in verse, as Rembertus had before 
done in prose. He also takes some notice of our Creed, 
ascribing it to Athanasius °. 

1130. In the century following, Honorius, a scholas- 
tic divine of the Church of Autun, in his book en- 
titled ** The Pearl of the Soul" (which treats of the 
sacred or Liturgic offices), reckons up the several 
Creeds of the Church, making in all four: namely, 
the Apostolical, the l^icene, the Constantinopolitan, 
and the Athanasian. Of the last he observes, that 
it was daily repeated at the Prime p. He ascribes it 
to Athanasius of Alexandria, in the time of Theodo- 
sius, where he is undoubtedly mistaken in his chro- 
nology. For if he means the first Athanasius of Alex- 

o " Catolicamque Fidem quam compofliiisse beatus 

Fertur Athanasius. "—Gualdo, Vit. Ansch., c. l07, p. 322. 

P " Quarto, fidem * Quicunque yult,* quotidie ad Primam iterat, 
quam Athanasius Alezandrinus Episcopus, ro^tu Theodosii Tmpe- 
ratorifl edidit." — Honor., Oemm. Antmaif lib. li. c. 69, p. 1086. 


andria, he is too early for either of the Theodosiuses : 
and if he means it of the second, he is as much too 
late. But a slip in chronology might be pardonable 
in that age, nor does it at all affect the truth of what 
he attests of his own times. 

1146. Otho, Bishop of Frisinghen in Bavaria, may 
here be taken notice of, as being the first we have 
met with who pretends to name the place where Atha- 
nasius is supposed to have made this Creed, Triers, or 
Treves, in Germany \ It is no improbable conjecture 
of M. Antelmi ', that the copy of the Creed found at 
Treves being very ancient, or the most ancient of any, 
and from which many others were taken, might first 
occasion the story of the Creed's being made at Treves, 
and by Athanasius himself, who by his exile thither 
might render that place famous- for his name to all 
after ages. 

1171. Arnoldus, in his Chronicle, informs us of an 
Abbot of Brunswick, who attending the Duke of Bruns- 
wick at this time in his journey into the East, had 
some disputes with the Greeks at Constantinople upon 
the Article of Procession, and pleaded the usual pas- 
sage out of this Creed, whose words are to be seen in 
the margin'. What is most to be noted is the title 
of Symholum Fidei, which now begun to be common 
to this form, as to the other Creeds. 

4 *^ Ibidem manens in Ecclesia Treyerorum sub Maximino ejus- 
dem Ecclesise Episcopo, ' Quicun^ue vult/ &c., a quibusdam diuitur 
edidisse." — Otto Frisinj?., Chrome., lib. iv. cap. 7, p. 44 (aL p. 76). 

' Antelm. de S^mb. Athan., p. 27. 

■ '* Undo Athanasius in Symbolo Fidei : Spiritus Sanctus a Patre 
et Filio non factus, ueo oreatus, nee genitus, sed prooedens. Ecce 
Spiritum Sanctum a Patre dicit procedere et a Filio."— Henric. 
Abb. apud Arnold., Chron, Slaver. ^ lib. iii. c. 5, p. 248. 


1178. Robertus Paululus, Presbyter of Amiens, in 
the diocese of Bheims, speaking of the offices recited 
at the Prime, observes that the piety of good Chris- 
tians had thereunto added the Quicunqtce vuUy that the 
articles necessary to salvation might never be forgotten 
any hour of the day *. 

1190. Beleth, a celebrated Paris divine, is the oldest 
writer that takes notice of this Creed being commonly 
ascribed to Anastasius, though he himself ascribes it 
to Athanasius •*. Tentzelius' marks some differences 
between the prints and the manuscripts of this author, 
and betwixt one manuscript and another. But as the 
difference, though in words considerable, is yet very 
little in the sense, it is not material to our present 
purpose to be more particular about it. 

1200. I must not omit ITicolaus Hydruntinus, a na- 
tive of Otranto in Italy, who sided with the Greeks, 
and wrote in Greek against the Latins. He understood 
both languages, and was often interpreter between the 
Greeks and Latins in their disputes at Constantinople, 
Athens, and Thessalonica ^. He wrote several tracts, 
out of which Leo Allatius has published some frag- 
ments. There is one relating to the Athanasian Creed, 

* ** His addidit fidelium devotio, * Quiciinque vult Salvus esse/ ut 
Articulorum Fidei qui sunt necessarii ad salutem, nulla diet hora 
obliviscamur." — Rob. Paulul., in Hugo de S. Victor, de Offic. EccL, 
Ub. ii. c. 1, vol. iii. p. 223 (p. 265). 

^ ** Notandum est quatuor esse Symbola ; minimum quod a cuno- 
tis communiter in quotidiana oratione dicitur, quod Apostoli simul 
composuerunt. Secundum est quod in Prima recitatur, * Quicunque 
Yult Salvus esse :' quod ab Athanasio Patriarcha Alexandrino contra 
Anianos hsereticos compositum est, licet plerique eum AnaAtasium 
fuisse falso arbitrentur. — Beleth de Divin. Offic,, c. 40, (p. 334, ed. 

▼ TentzeL, Jvdtc. Ervd.y p. 91. 

« Fabric, Bihl Groec, Ub. v. c. 42, § 12, in vol. x. p. 293. 


which must here he taken notice of ; heing of use for 
the certifying us that this Creed was extant in Greek 
at and hefore his time. It is this : " They (the Greeks) 
do not know who made the addition to the Paith of 
Athanasius, styled Catholic ; since the words, * and of 
the Son,' are not in the Greek (Form) nor in the Creed 
(of Constantinople y). *' 

Erom this passage we may learn that there was a 
Greek copy of the Athanasian Creed at this time ; that 
it wanted the words " of the Son," that it was looked 
upon as Athanasius's, and that the title was, *' The 
Catholic Paith of St. Athanasius," ^vhich is its most 
usual title in the Latin copies. I may just hint to the 
reader, that though hoth Tri<ms in the Greek and Jides 
in the Latin might justly he rendered Creed in Eng- 
lish, rather than faith, whenever it stands for a formu- 
lary or confession of faith as it does here; yet he- 
cause I should otherwise want another English word 
for (TVfipoXop in the Greek, and Symbolum in the Latin, 
I therefore reserve the word Creed in this case for 
distinction sake, to he the rendering of Si/mholitm, or 
avfipoXoPy and nothing else. Eut to proceed. 

1230. Alexander of Hales, in Gloucestershire, may 
here deserve to be mentioned as shewing what Creeds 
were then received in England. He reckons up three 
only, not four, (as those that make the Nicene and 
Constantinopolitan to he two,) namely. The Apostles', 
the Nicene or Constantinopolitan, and the Athana- 

^ "Or I Koi avTol hyvoovai, rls 6 irpoadiia'as ip r^ iriVrci rod ay iov 
*A0avaff(oVf Tp KadoKiicj \eyofi4yp, &s iv r^ lAAijftfCfp ovxl rovro, 
$ntp iarl koI ix rov viou, irepicxcTcu, otrt ky rfp <rvfifi6\^. — Leo 
Allat. de Conunu JCccl. Occident., dkc., lib. iii. c. I, § 5, p. ^S7, 


si an ', where we may observe that the Athanasian has 
the name of a Creed, which yet was not its most usual 
or common title in those times, only the schoolmen for 
order and method sake chose to throw it under the 
head of Creeds. 

1233. I am next to take notice of the famed legates 
of Pope Gregory IX., (Haymo, Radolphus, Petrus, and 
Hugo,) who produced this Creed in their xjonferences 
with the Greeks at Constantinople. They asserted it 
to be Athanasius's, and made by him while an exile 
in the Western parts, and penned in the Latin tongue *. 
They had not assurance enough to pretend that it was 
a Greek composition; there were too many and too 
plain reasons to the contrary. 

1240. In this age, Walter de Cantilupe, Bishop of 
Worcester, in his Synodical Constitutions, exhorts his 
clergy to make themselves competent masters of the 
Psalm called Qmcunqtce vult, and of the greater and 
smaller Creed, (that is, Nicene and Apostolical,) that 
they might be able to instruct their people ^ ; from 
whence we may observe that at this time the Athana- 
sian formulary was distinguished here amongst us from 
the Creeds properly so called, being named a Psalm, 

* ''Notandum quod cum sint tria Symbola : primum Apostolo- 
rum, secundum patrum quod oanitur in Missa, tertium AthanaBii, 
quod canitur in Prima." — Alex. Ales.. Pars iii. q. 82, § 5, in 
vol. i. fol. 280. 

■ *0 Eyios *ABay<iaios Stop iv rots /ifpeoi rois BvriKo7s i^6pi(rros 
^v, iv T^ iKdtaei r^s irlcrftos, ijyrois KariviKois ^fiaffi Bieadtpriffty^ 
ofirws (^(pr}. *0 trar^p oir* ovS€v6s iffrt, &c. — Definiiio Apocri- 
tariorum Oreg. JX., in Harduin, vol. vii. p. 157. 

b **Habeat etiam saltern quilibet eorum simplicem intellectum, 
secundum quod continetur in Psalmo qui dicitur, Quiounque vult, 
et tam in majori quam in minori Symbolo, ut in his plebem sibi 
commissam noyerint informare." — Spelm., C<mc.f vol. ii. p. 246. 


and sometimes a hymn, (as we shall see from other 
evidences to he produced hereafter,) suitahly to the 
place it held in the Psalters among the other Hymns, 
Psalms, and Canticles of the Church, heing also sung 
alternately in churches like the other. 

1250. We may here also take notice of a just re- 
mark made hy Thomas Aquinas of this century: that 
Athanasius whom he supposes the author of this formu- 
lary, did not draw it up in the way of a Creed, but 
in a doctrinal form, which however was admitted by 
the authority of the Eoman see as containing a com- 
plete system of Christian faith ®. 

1255. Walter de Kirkham, Bishop of Durham, in 
his Constitutions, about this time, makes much the 
same order that Walter Cantilupe had before done, 
styling the Creed a Psalm also as usual ^, 

1286. Johannes Januensis, sometimes styled Johannes 
Balbus, makes mention of this Creed in his Dictionary 
or Catholicon^ under the word Symholum. He reckons 
up three Creeds, and in this order, Apostles', Nicene, 
and Athanasian. The name he gives to the last is 
8ymholum Athanasit, thrice repeated*, 

^ ** Athanasius non composuit manifestationem Fidei per modum 
Symbol!, sed magis per modum cujusdam doctriase : sed quia in- 
tegram Fidei veritatem ejus doctriua breviter contiDebat, au« 
thoritate summi ii'outificis est recepta, ut quasi regula Fidei habe- 
atur." — Aquinas, Secunda Secundce, q. 1. Art. 10^ § 3, in vol. xi. 
part 2, p. 8. 

^ **Babeat quoque unusquisque eorum simplicem intellectum 
Fidei, sicut in Symbolo tarn uiajori quam mmori ; quod e^t in 
Psalmo, * Quiounque vult/ et etiam ' Credo in Deum,' expressius 
continentur." — Spelm., Cone., vol. iL p. 294. 

« *'Tria sunt iSymbola ; scilicet Apostolorum, quod dicitur in Ma- 
tutiniSj in Prima, et in Oompletorio : item Micenum, quod dicitur 
in diebus dominicis post £vangelium : item Athanasii, quod dici> 
tur in Prima in dominicis diebus alta voce. . . . Symbolum autem 
Athanasii quod contra Hereticos editum est, in Prima dicitur, 
quasi jam pulsis Hereticorum tenebris. . . . Ad id ^d\\.xvxcL «&\> ^S-^xsw- 


1287. In a synod of Exeter, in this century also, we 
have mention again made of the Athanasian Creed 
under the name of a Psalm, and as such distinguished 
from the two Creeds' properly so called; though the 
name of Psalm was also sometimes given to the Creeds, 
and to the Lord's Prayer 8 likewise, since those also 
were sung in the church. 

1286. William Durants, or Durandus, the elder, 
Bishop of Mend a, in France, recounting the Creeds, 
makes their number three, mentioning the Athanasian 
in the second place between the Apostles' and Nicene. 
He follows the same tradition which Otho Frisingensis 
did before, that this Creed was made at Triers or 
Treves**. It is scarce worth noting that some copies 
here read Anastasius, since the circumstances plainly 
shew that Athanasius is the man intended, and that 
Anastasius can be nothing else but a corrupt reading. 

1330. Ludolphus Saxo, the Carthusian, numbers 
three Creeds, with very brief but good hints of their 
uses respectively : the Apostles' useful for a short com- 
pendious instruction in the faith ; tbe Nicene, for 

bolum Athanasii qui specialiter contra Hereticos se opposuit.'* — 
Johan. Januens., in voce Symholum, 

' '* Artioulorum Fidei Christianorum saltern simplicem habeant 
intellectum, prout in Psalmo, Quicunque vult, et in utroque Sym- 
bolo continentur."— Spelm., Cone., vol. iL p. 370. 

ff In a MS. of Trinity College, (called Rythmus Anglicus), written 
about 1180, is. a copy of tbe Apostles' Creed, and another of the 
Lord's Prayer, with these titles : *The Salm the Me Clepetb Crede ; 
The Salm that is cleped pr. nr.' This manner of speaking seems 
to have been borrowed from the Germans ; for Otfridus, as i>t 
observed by Lambecius, gives the name of a Psalm to the Apostles' 
Creed. — Lambec, CataL, vol. ii p. 760. 

h **Nota, quod triplex est Symbolum. Primum est Symbol um 
Apostolorum, quod vocatur Symbolum minus .... Secundum Sym- 
bolum est, ' Quicunque vult Salvus esse,' &c., ab Athanasio, patri- 
archa Alezandrino, in civitate Treviri compositum .... Tertium est 
^^ Nicsenum quod .... vocatur Symbolum majus.'' — Gul. Durant., 
m Maiionai, JJivin, Offic,, lib. iv. c 25, §§ 6—9, p. 133. 


fxiller explication ; and the Athanasian, for guard or 
defence ^ against heresies. 

1337. William of Baldensal or Boldesale, a German 
Ejiight, ought here to he mentioned as heing the first 
writer extant that ascribes the Creed to Eusehius, (of 
Verceil, in Piedmont,) along with Athanasius. The 
reason, I presume, was the hetter to account for the 
Creed's being originally Latin. Baldensal's treatise, 
being the History of Piedmont, wherein he makes the 
remark, is not yet published I suppose; but Cardinal 
Bona informs us that the manuscript was in his time 
in the library of the Duke of Savoy, at Turin ''. 

1360. Manuel Caleca, a latinizing Greek, wrote a 
treatise upon the Principles of the Catholic Paith, 
published by Combefis, in his new Auetarium to the 
Bibliotheca Fatrum, tome the 2nd, where we find some 
passages to our present purpose ; particularly this, that 
Caleca ascribes the Creed to Athanasius, and supposes 
it to have been presented by him to Pope Julius ^ 
I know not whether he be not the first writer that 
mentions that circumstance, nor whether he reports it 
from others, or from his own invention. 

1360. About the same time Johannes Cyparissiota, 

^ "Tria sunt Symbola: primum Apostolorum ; seciindum, Ni- 
ceni Coucilii: tertium, Athanasii, Primum factum est ad Fidei 
lustructiouem. Secundum, ad Fidei ezplauationem. I'eriium, ad 
Fidei defeusionem." — Ludolph. Sax. de Vit. Christif c. 83, p. 732. 

k "In hoc autem Symboio, sive componendo, sive e Graaco in 
Latinum traduceudo Adjutorem luisse Athanasio Eusebium, Ver- 
cellensem episcopum, refert Gulielmus Baidesauus in Historia Pe* 
demontana, qus9 manuscripta Taurini asservatur in Bibliotheca 
Duels Sabaudise, ex Tabulario Vercellensis Ecclesise." — Bona de IH- 
vin. Psalm, f c. 16, § 18, p. 864. 

^ Tairriv yap idv fiii ris VKTras irtorrc^O'i}, aiudrivat oh iii/arat, 
&s 6 fiiyas 'Adaudaios iv rp Tphs *lo6hiou Tdway i'P(i>iAris r^s iri- 
aT€us bixoKoyitf wpoatBriKtv. — Manuel Calec, d^ Fid,, c. 10, p. 284« 
Of. Calec., Contr. Grcec,, lib. ii. c. 20, p. 41Q. 


surnamed " the Wise," wrote his Decads, which are pub- 
lished in Latin in the Bihliothhques of Turrianus's ver- 
sion. What we are to observe from him is, that he 
cites tbis Creed in the name of Athanasius, and as if 
it were made at the Council of Nice ". It seems, after 
it once passed current that Athanasius was the author, 
there was great variety of conjectures about the place 
where, and the time when, he composed or presented 
this Creed. 

1439. I sball mention but one more, as late as the 
Council of Florence, or a little later, and that is 
Jobannes (afterwards Josephus) Plusiadenus, a latin- 
izing Greek, who wrote a dialogue in defence of tbe 
Latins. What is observable in bim is, that he makes 
the Creed to have been presented by Athanasius to 
Pope Liberius, instead of Julius ". 

I have now come low enough with the Ancient 
Testimonies, if I may be allowed so to call those of the 
later times. A few of the first and earliest might have 
sufficed, had I no other point in view but the mere 
antiquity of the Creed : but as my design is to treat of 
its reception also in various places and at various 
times, and to lay together several kind of evidences 
which will require others, both early and late, to clear 
up and explain them, it was, in a manner, necessary 
for me to bring my accounts as low as I have here 
done. Besides that several inferior incidental ques- 

■n '' Magnus Athanasius in ezpositione Fidel, in prima Sjnodo, 
ait/' &3.--Joan. C3^paris8., Decad. ix. c. tH. 

" '0 Ouos ry tvii Ka\ Uphs *ABavd<rioSf iv rn hfioXoyia r^s 

iavrov vlartus, f}v i^idtro rrphs iii$4pioy UdrraVf ijs ri ^pxht ^0"ris 

&v $oi\rirou ffwBrjyait rh vyfVfM rh &yi6v tfytiaiv, kirh tov xarphs koI 

m^^ ^ov vloVf ob xoirirhyt oh Kriarhv^ olZ\ ytinnfrhv, AAA* iKW0p€vr6v,'-^ 

^^Ufasiad., p. 628 (in Oombef. turt, in CaUc,, p. 297). 


tions will fall in our way, for the resolving of which 
most of the testimonies I have here cited will be ser- 
viceable in their turn, as will appear more fully in the 
sequel. I have omitted several testimonies of the later 
centuries, such as I thought might conveniently be 
spared, either as containing nothing but what we had 
before from others more ancient, or as being of no use 
for the clearing up any that we have, or for the 
settling any point which will come to be discussed in 
the following sheets. The rule I have set myself 
in making the collection, and which I have been most 
careful to observe, was to take in all those, and none 
but those, which are either valuable for their antiquity, 
or have something new and particular upon the sub- 
ject, or may strike some light into any doubtful ques- 
tion thereunto relating. 

I shall shut up this chapter, as I did the former, 
with a Table, representiog in one view the sum and 
substance of what has been done in it. The several 
columns will contain the year of our Lord, the authors 
here recited, the country where they lived, and the 
title or titles by them given to the Creed. The titles 
ought to appear in their original language wherein 
they were written, which my English reader may the 
more easily excuse, since they have most of them been 
given in English above, where it was more proper to 
do it. The use of such a Table will be seen as often 
as a reader has a mind to look back to this chapter, 
or to compare several evidences of different kinds, 
proving the same thing one with another. 































Council of Auttm. 
Articles Inqa. Begino. 
Cotmc. Franckfort. 
Monks of M. Olivet. 
Hatto, or Hetto. 

.£nea8 Paris. 
Abbo, or Albo. 

Duke of Brunsuvick. 
Robertus Paululus. 

Nic. Hydruntinus. 
Alexander Alens. 
P. Gregory's Legates, 
Walter Cantilupe. 
Thom. Aquinas. 
Walter Kirkham. 
John Januensis. 
Exon. Synod. 
Man. Caleca. 
Joan. Cyparissiota. 
I Joan. Plusiadenus. 





































Title of the Greed. 

Fides Sancti Athanasii Prcesulis. 
Sermo Athanasii Episcopi de Fide. 
Fides Catholica Sanctae Trinitatis. 

Expositio CatholicflB Fidei, Athanasii. 
Fides Sancti Athanasii. 
Fides Sancti Athanasii. 

Sermo Athanasii de Fide. 

Athanasii Symbolum. 

Athanasii Fides Catholica. 

Libellus Athanasii de Fide. 

Athanasii Fides Catholica. 

Sermo Beati Athanasii. 

Sermo Fidei Catholicse. 

Sermo Athanasii Fide Trinitatis. 

Fides secundum Athanasium. 

Fides Catholica Athanasio adscripta. 

Fides Quicunque mUt. 

Quicunque vult, &c. 

Athanasii Sjnnbolum Fidei. 

Quicunque vult, &c. 

Athanasii Symbolum. 

Tov dyiov *A0aaf<Kriav irioTis ^ KotfoAiici). 

Athanasii Symbolum. 

"EK0€<ri,i rrji iri<rrea)s. 

Psalmus Quicunque, &c. 

Athanasii Manifestatio Fidei. 

Psalmus Qy,icunqu^y ftc. 

Symbolum Athanasii. 

Athanasii Symbolum. 

Psalmus Quicunque. 

Athanasii Symbolum. 

Athanasii Symbolum. 

'H T^ irurrcois 6/aoXoyui tov 'A0ava<ru>v. 

Athanasii Expositio Fidei. 

'H tifi iruTTCCDf OfioKoyla tov *A0ava<riov. 


Ancient Commentators and Paeaphrasts tjpon the 

Athanasian Creed. 

Ancient Comments, or Paraphrases, may be properly 
mentioned after Ancient Testimonies, being near akin 
to them, and ahnost the same thing with them. I call 
none ancient but such as were made before the year 
1500, and therefore shall carry my accounts no lower, 
nor quite so low as that time. 

A.D. 570. The first comment to be met with on this 
Creed is one of the sixth century, composed by Yenan- 
tius Portunatus, an Italian by birth, but one that 
travelled into Prance and Germany, became acquainted 
with the most eminent scholars and prelates all over 
the "West, and was at length made Bishop of Poictiers 
in Prance. His comment on this Creed has been pub- 
lished from a manusciipt about 600 years old ■, out of 
the Ambrosian Library at Milan, by Muratorius, in his 
second tome of Anecdota, in the year 1698. There 
can be no reasonable doubt but that the comment 
really belongs to the man whose name it bears. 1. Be- 

* ** Est porro nobis in Ambrosiana fiibliotheca Membranaceus 
Codex annos abhinc ferme sexcentos manu descriptus ; ut ex cha- 
racterum forma, aliisque conjecturis affirmari posse mihi videtur. 
Heic, praeter alia opuscula multa, Tres Symboli expositiones ha- 
bentur, quarum unam tantum nunc publici juris facio. 

'* Prima ita inscribitur, Expositio Fidei Catholics. Alteri nuUus 
titulus pr»Bfixus est. Postrema vero hunc prae se fert ; Expositio 
Fidei CatholicsB Fortunati. . . . Fortunatus autem, heic memoratus, 
alius a Venantio Fortunato non est, quern Insulse Pictaviensis Ec- 
oiesiae, quern Christianse poetices ornamenta setemitate donarunt." 
— Murator., Anecdot, vol ii. p. 228. 


cause in the same book there is also a comment upon 
the Apostles' Oreed*' ascribed to Fortunatus,and which 
is known to belong to Yenantius Portunatus, and has 
been before printed among his other works. 2. Because 
it appears highly probable, from what Venantius For- 
tunalus has occasionally dropped in his other un- 
doubted works*, that he was really acquainted with 
the Athanasian Creed, and borrowed expressions from 
it. 3. Because in the expositions of the Apostles' and 
Athanasian Creeds, there is great similitude of style, 
thoughts, and expressions, which shews that both are 
of the same hand, and indeed, the other circumstances 
considered, abundantly proves it. It would burden 
my margin too much, otherwise it were easy to give 
at least half-a-dozen plain specimens, where either the 
expressions, or turn of thought, or both, are exactly 

^ " Rzpositionem quoque oontinet (Codex Ambrosianus) Aposto- 
lioi Symbol!, cum hao inscriptione : Incipit expositio a Fortunato 
Presbytero coDsoripta. iiaaem vero est ac eoita inter Fortiinati 
Opera. Tnm sequuiitur geminse eiusdem Symbol! explicationes, 
tres Oratlonis DomiDicee, et du8B AthaDasian! Symbol! expositiones 
incertls auctoribus soriptse, tandem, ut diximus, Expositio Fide! 
Catholicn Fortunati legitur. Quocirco quin ad Yenantium quoque 
Fortunatum opusoulum boo sit referendum, nullus dubito." — 
Murator., Ane^oLt vol. ii. p. 331. 

e <<Pr8eolarum in primordio ponitur oselestis testimoni! funda- 
roentum. quia Salvus esse non poterit, qui reote de Salute non ere- 
diderit.— Fortunat., Expos. Symb. Apoat. in Bibl. Max. PP., vol. x. 
p. 692. 

'* Non Deus in camem est versus, Deus accipit artus : 
Non se permutans, sed sib! membra levans. 
• . . • • • • 

Unus in ambabus naturis, verus in ipsis 

Squalls matri hino, par Deitate Patri. 
Non sua confundens, sibi nostra sed onmia nectens. 

De patre natus habens divina, humanaque matris, 
De patre sublimis, de genetrice humilis." 
Fortunat, litj. viii Carm. v., w, 83, &c.; in BibL Max. PP., vol. x. 
p. 574. 


parallel. Such as think it of moment to examine, 
may easily he satisfied hy comparing the comment on 
the Apostles' Creed, in the tenth tome of the last 
Bihliothhqtie^ with the comment on the Athanasian in 
Muratorius. 4. I may add, that the tenonr of the 
whole comment, and the simplicity of the style and 
thoughts, are very suitable to that age, and more so 
than to the centuries following. These reasons con- 
vince me that this comment belongs to Ycnantius 
Fortunatus, composed by him after his going into 
France, and before he was Bishop of Poic tiers, and so 
we may probably fix the date of it about the year 570, 
or perhaps higher. There is an older manuscript copy 
of this comment (as I find by comparing) in the 
Museum at Oxford, among Junius' s manuscripts, num- 
ber 25 •*. I am obliged to the very worthy and learned 
Dr. Haywood, for sending me a transcript of it, with 
a specimen of the character. It is reasonably judged 
to be about 800 years old. It wants in the beginning 
about ten or a dozen lines : in the other parts it agrees 
with Muratorius's copy, saving only some slight in- 
sertions and such various lections as are to be expected 
in difierent manuscripts not copied one from the other. 
From the two copies compared may be drawn out 
a much more correct comment than that which Mura- 
torius has given us from one, as will be shewn at the 
end of this work. 

I intimated above, that Muratorius supposes this 
Yenantius Fortunatus to be the author not of the 
comment only, but Creed also. But his reasons which 
plead strongly for the former are of no force at all in 

* The title, JSxpositio in Fide Caiholica. 


respect of the latter, which he is so sensible of him- 
self, that while he speaks with great assurance of the 
one, he is very diffident of the other®. And indeed, 
not to mention several other considerations standing 
in the way of his conjecture, who can imagine Venan- 
tins Fortunatus to have been so vain as, after com- 
menting on the Lord's Prayer and Apostles' Creed, to 
fall to commenting upon a composition of his own ? 

This comment of Fortunatus is a great confirmation 
of what hath been above cited from the Council of 
Autun ; for if the Creed was noted enough to deserve 
a comment upon it so early as the year 570, no wonder 
if we find it strongly recommended by that Council in 
the year 670, a hundred years after. And it is ob- 
servable that as that Council recommends the Apo- 
stolical and Atbanasian Creeds, without saying a word 
of the Kicene ; so Fortunatus, before them, comments 
upon those two only, taking no notice of the third. 

I cannot take leave of this comment without ob- 
serving to the reader, that in Pareus's Notes on this 
Creed, I have met with a passage which I am not well 
able to account for. He cites a comment upon this 
Creed under the name of Euphronius Presbyter^; does 
not say whether from a print or a manuscript; but 



Hujus Symbol! auctor esse potuit Venantius Fortunatus: 
saitem fiiit is hujus Expositionis aactor." — Murator., Anecdot., vol. 
ii. p. 217. 

'* Non ita meis conjecturis plaudo, ut facilius non arbitrer Expo- 
si tionem potius quam Symbolum huio auctori tribuendam.— 
Id., p. 231. 

' ** Euphronius presbyter in expositione hujus Symboli Athanasii, 
Fides, inquit, Catholica, seu universalis, dicitur: hoc est, recta, 
quam Kcclesia universa tenere debet." — David. Parei not. ad 
^ymb. A than., p. 118. Edit. An. 1635. The words are not in the 
edition of 1627. 


the words he produces are in this very comment of 
Fortunatus. "Who this Euphronins is I can nowhere 
find ; nor whether an ancient or modem writer. There 
was an Euphronins Presbyter (mentioned by Gregory 
of Tours), who lived in the fifth century, and was at 
length Bishop of Autun; but I never heard of any 
writings of his more than an epistle ascribed to him 
and Lupus of Troyes. There was another Euphronins, 
who was Bishop of Tours, with whom Fortunatus had 
some intimacy : whether his name appearing in any 
MS. copy of Fortunatus's tracts, might occasion the 
mistake, I know not. Bruno's comment has the very 
same passage which Parens cites, only in a different 
order of the words ; but neither will this help us to ac- 
count for its being quoted under the name of Euphro- 
nins Presbyter, which has no similitude with the name 
of Bruno, Bishop of Wurtzburgh. I would not, how- 
ever, omit the mentioning this note of Parens, be- 
cause a hint may sometimes lead to useful discoveries, 
and others may be able to resolve the doubt though 
I am not. 

852. Our next commentator, or rather paraphrast, 
is Hincmar of Rheims : not upon the whole Creed, 
but upon such parts only as he had occasion to cite ; 
for his way is to throw in several words of his own, 
as explanatory notes, so far as he quotes the Creed '. 
And he sometimes does it more than he ought to have 
done to serve a cause against Gothescalcus, which I 
may hint in passing; to say more of it would be fo- 
reign to our present purpose. 

ff Hincm. de non Trin, Deit., co. 2, i, 18, in vol. i. pp. 452, 464, 
469, 552, 553. 


1033. S. Bruno, Bishop of "Wurtzburgh in Germany, 
has a formal comment, and much larger than Fortu- 
natus's, upon the Athanasian Creed. It is at the end 
of his Psalter, and has been several times printed with 
it. Father Le Long reckons up six editions ^ in this 
order : — 1. At Nuremberg, in folio, a.d. 1494. 2. By 
Antonius Koburger, in quarto, a.d. 1497. 3. By 
Cochleus, at "Wurtzburgh, in quarto, a.d. 1531. 4. At 
Leipsic, in quarto, 1533. 5. In the Cologne Bt- 
hUothhque, A. d. 1618, tom. xi.* 6. In the Lyons 
Bill. PP,f A.D. 1677, tom. xviii. The old editions are 
scarce and not easy to be met with. I have seen two 
of them in our Public Library at Cambridge,. those of 
1494 and 1533. There is aa elegant one of the former 
(as I conceive by the description sent me by a learned 
gentleman), in the Bodleian, at Oxford : it is in vel- 
lum, in a black and red letter, reserved among the 
manuscripts, and marked Laud £. 81. The title at 
the beginning. Fides -Anastasiii; at the end. Fides 
Athanasii, The two editions of 1497 and 1531 I 
never saw. I have seen one by Antonius Koberger, in 
quarto, bearing date a.d. 1494'', in the Bodleian, marked 

^ " Commentarii in totum Psalterium et in Cantica Vet. et N. 
Testamenti, in foL Norembergse, 1494. In quarto, per Antonium 
Koburger, 1497. Idem a Joan. Cochleo restitutum in quarto, 
Uerbipoli, 1631. Lipsise, 1533, Bibl. PP. Coloniensis et Lugdunen- 
sis." — Le I^ng, Bihl. Scicr., vol. ii. p. 674. 

* BibliotJieca Magna Veterum Patrum., 15 vols. fol. CoL 1618. 

J * Anastasii' is evidently a mere misprint, as in the body of tbe 
comment tbe name of Atbanasius occurs throughout. The only 
copy of this edition now in the Bodleian, so exactly corresponds 
with the details given by Dr. Waterland of the two which he de- 
scribes as distinct, that it seems probable that he is mistaken on 
this poiut It is now marked Auct. Q. 1, 5, 19. Tbe edition of 
1497 is also in the Bodleian. 

^ "Per Antonium Koberger impressum Anno incamationis Deita- 
tia millesimo quadringentesimo, nonagesimo quarto, finit feliciter." 


F. 40. Bishop Usher makes mention of an edition in 
1531 ^ and seems to have known of none older. I 
should have suspected 1531 to be a false print for 1533, 
had not Le Long confinned it that there is such an 
edition as 1531, and named the place where it was 
printed; though I cannot but observe that he makes 
a folio of it in his first tome*", and a quarto in the 
second, which is to me an argument that he had never 
seen it, but perhaps took the hint from Usher. But 
leaving the printed editions of this comment of Bruno's, 
let us next say something of the manuscripts of it, and 
their differences from the prints, or from each other. 
There are many manuscript copies which I shall men- 
tion in order. 

1. The first and most valuable manuscript is in the 
library of Wurtzburgh, as old as the author, left by him 
as a legacy to tbat Church. The first printed edition 
(if I mistake not), was taken from that very original 
manuscript °, which at the lowest computation must 

^ " Psalterii editio vulgata Latina, obelis et asterisois distincta, 
cum Bninonis Herbipolensis Episoopi cornmentariis, Anno 1531, 
a Johanne CochlsBo in luoem est emittsa." — Usser de EdiOone LXX, 
Interpr., p. 104. 

"> ** Psalterium vetus obelis et asteriscis distinotum, cum Com- 
mentariis S. Brunonis, studio Johannis CochisBi editum, in fol. Her- 
bipoli, J 631, in quarto Lipsise 1633." — Le Long, BibL Sacr.^ 
vol. i. p. 274. 

■ " Posteris Filiis suis (S. Bruno) memorabilem et sanctum Psal- 
morum Librum, ex quo ille impressus est, sumptuose soriptum, quasi 
heereditatis spiritualis non minimam portionem reliquit."— Prolog, 
ad Editionem Ann! 1494. 

** Preciosum istum pietatis Thesaurum posteritati post se reli- 
quit, et quidem insigni sonptura sumptuose descriptum . . . extat Do- 
num illud memorabile et oonspicuum in loouplete antiquorum volu- 
minum Bibliotheoa Ecolesise Herbipolenus : quod sane religiosa 
pietate, velut Hsereditas qusedam hujus Sancti Patris Custoditur." 
—Joan. Cochl., Prolog, ad Edit. Ann. 1638, in Bibl. Max. PP., 
vol. XYiii. p. 65. 



50 AirciEirr comh£kts upon 

bo 680 years old. The title of the Creed, Fides Catho- 
Uca 8. AtJianaaii Episcopi, 

2. There is a second which I have seen in Trinity 
College, in Cambridge, annexed to a Psalter described 
at large by the learned Mr. "Wanley in his catalogue °, 
and judged by him to have been written about the 
time of King Stephen ; so that this is about a hundred 
years later than the former, or about 580 years old. 
No title to the Creed. 

3. There is a third of much the same age with 
the former, or some years older, in the Bodleian, at 
Oxford, marked Laud, H. 61. Catal. No. 1324. The 
title of the Creed, Fides Catholica Sancti Athanasii 
Episcopi p. 

4. In the Bodleian also is another, (Laud. E. 71. 
Catal. No. 994**.) AtJianasii Symbohim cum Glossia, 
This, as I am certified by a learned gentleman, is 
Bruno's comment. The title of the Creed, Fides Sancti 
Athanasii Episcopi. 

5. In Merton College is another, an ancient copy 
of Bruno's comment, Catal. No. 675—208, (P. 1, 5'.) 

6. In St. John Baptist's College, Oxon. (Catal. No. 
1874, G. 42 ■.) Commenta/rius in Symbolum Athanasii. 
By the beginning and concluding words (a transcript 
of which has been sent me by a worthy member of 

« Wanley, Catalog. MSS. Septentr., p. 168. 

p No. 96 in Mr. Coxe's Catalogue, and referred by him to the end 
of the eleventh century. It formerly belonged to the Church of 
St. Kykian, in Wurtzburgh. 

1 No. 17 in Mr. Coxe's Catalogue, and referred by him to the 
twelfth century. 

' No. 208 in Mr. Coxe's Catalogue, and referred by him to the 
thirteenth century. 

• No. 31 in Mr. Coxe's Catalogue, and referred by him to the 
thirteenth century. 


that society) I am well assured that it is Bruno's 

7. There is another in Balliol College (Catal. No. 210. 
marked B. 9 *.) Athanasii St/mholum cum Commentario. 

8. Another I have seen in the Cathedral library at 
York, which may be 500 years old. No title. 

9. There is another in the library of St. German 
de Prez, about 500 years old. Montfaucon, having 
met with it, published it ^ as an Anecdoton ; not know- 
ing that it was Bruno's comment. It is not indeed quite 
so full, nor anything near so correct as the printed 
copy: but still it is plainly Bruno's comment, the 
title, Tractatm de Fide Gatholica, 

10. There is also in my Lord Oxford's library % 
a modem manuscript of this comment, written at 
Augsburg, in the year 1547 : copied from Bruno's 
original MS. (by order of Charles Peutenger, son to 
the famous Conrad), where the title is, Mdea Catholica 
Sancti Anastasii JEpiscopi, The mistake of Anastasii 
for Athanasn, we find, had crept into the German 
copies some centuties before: wherefore this is not 
to be wondered at. All the older copies, as well as 
the original manuscript, have Athanasn in the title, 
where there is a title, and Athanasius in the beginning 
of the comment. 

The manuscripts which I have here recited, all but 
the first, seem now to be of no great use ; if it be true, 
as I suppose, that the first prints were taken from the 

* No. 32 in Mr. Coxe's Catalogue, and referred by him to the 
end of the twelfth century. He describes it as Symholum Athana' 
tianum cum commmto Brunonis Herhipoltntis. 

■ Montfaucon, Athanca. Oper.<, vol. ii. p. 735. 

▼ Now the Harleian Collection in the British Museum. 


very original at Wurtzburgh. It is certain that they 
are very imperfect, and uncorrect (I have collated 
three of them) in comparison of the printed copies : 
I could not observe above two or three places, and 
those not very material, where the printed copies seem 
to have followed a false reading, or may be corrected 
by those manuscripts. One thing I a little wondered 
at, that the three manuscripts of St. Germans, Trinity 
College, and York, should all leave out some para- 
graphs which appear in the printed copies, and the 
same paragraphs : but I have since found that those 
very paragraphs were taken out of Fortunatus's com- 
ment, and belong not properly to Bruno's. This, I 
presume, the first copiers understood, and therefore 
omitted them. Probably Bruno's own copy might at 
first want them, (though they must have been added 
soon after,) or, if Bruno himself inserted them, yet he 
had left some mark of distinction which was understood 
at that time, though not by the editors of this comment 
80 many years after. But to proceed. 

1120. In the next age, the famous Peter Abelard 
wrote comments upon this Creed, which are printed 
amongst his other works. The title in the prints is, 
Petri Ahaelardi Expositio Fidei, in Symhohm Athanasii. 
I suspect that the editor has added the latter part, in 
Symbolum Athanasii, as a hint to the reader. The 
comment is a very short one, scarce three pages in 
quarto, and, for the age it was wrote in, a pretty 
good one ; though, as I conceive from some fiaws in it, 
printed from a copy not very correct. 

1170. Of the same century is Hildegarde, the cele- 
brated Abbess of St. Eupert's Mount, near Binghen on 


the Ehine. She wrote ** Explications of St. Benedict's 
Eule, and of the Athanasian Creed/' which may be 
seen, Bibl. Max. PP., vol. xxiii. p. 596. 

1210. Simon Tomacensis, priest of Toumay, in the 
beginning of the thirteenth century taught divinity at 
Paris with great reputation. His manuscript works 
are in many libraries, and among his other writings 
there is ''An Exposition of the Athanasian Greed ^." 
Oudin reckoDS up four manuscript copies of it, in as 
many distinct libraries, and acquaints us where they 
are to be found, and of what age they probably are. 

1215« Contemporary with the former is Alexander 
Neckham, an Englishman, Abbot of Cirencester, or 
Circeter, in Gloucestershire. He wrote a comment on 
the Athanasian Creed, which is extant in manuscript, 
in the Bodleian, at Oxford, (marked E. 7, 8. Catal. "No. 
2339.) co-eval, probably, with the author y. 

There is another copy of the same comment in the 
Bodleian also, E. 6. 11. l^o. 2330. The title, Expoaitio 
Fidei CatholtcuB a Magistro Alexandra Edicta. This 
copy is about fifty years later than the former. It may 
be of use to note down the first words of the comment % 
It is drawn up in the scholastic way, and is pretty 
large, making ten folio leaves with double columns, in 
E. 7, 8. and four folio leaves with three columns, and 
a very small hand in E. 6. 11. 

^ ** Expositio Symboli, per Simonem Tomacensis Ecclesiae Cano- 
nicum, et Farisiensem Doctorem, qusD incipit ; Apud Aristotelem 
argumentum est ratio faciens fidem, sed apud Christum argumen- 
turn est fides faciens raiionem." — Oudin. De Scriptor, jEccles., vol. 
m. p.5. 

J Tue title of this copy is, Expositio super Symholum Aihanasii, 
s *' Usee est enim Victoria quse vincit mundum, fides nostra. Sig- 
nanter dicit ' vult,' et non dicit, ' Quiounque Salvus erit.' " 


1230* Not long after, Alexander Hales, before men- 
tioned, wrote comments upon the same Creed, which 
are published in his Summa, part the third, under 
Qusest. 82. His method of commenting is, to raise 
doubts and scruples all the way he goes, and to answer 
them in the scholastic form ; referring sometimes to the 
Fathers of the Church, and particularly to St. Austin, 
to whom he ascribes Gennadius's treatise de ^eclesias- 
ticis JDogmattbuSy according to the common error of that 
time. But I proceed. 

1340. There is another commentary upon this Creed, 
written, as is said, by Eichardus Hampolus, Eichard 
Eolle, of Hampole, a native of Yorkshire, and a monk 
of the order of St. Austin. It contains, in a manner, 
Bruno's comment entire, with several additions and in- 
sertions, either of the author's own, or such as he had 
borrowed elsewhere. It has been twice printed, first 
at Cologne, in the year 1536, and afterwards in the 
Bibl. Max. PP., toI. xxvi. p. 624. 

I am in doubt concerning the author of that com- 
ment, baring reason to believe that the three copies 
mentioned by Tentzelius*, preserved in the Gotha, 
Basil, and Leipsic libraries, are so many copies of this 
very comment which passes under the name of Ham- 
pole, and yet one of them is judged to be above 500 
years older ^ than 1686, which is 150 years before 

» Tentzel, Jud. Erttd., Prsefat. etp. 224. 

*> Tentzelius writes thus : — *' Opportune ad manus meas pervenit 
responsio Ampl. Felleri, qua rationem Codiois Latini Lipsiensis in 
preefatione a me citati prolixius ezposuit. Ait enim, membrana- 
ceum istum codicem ante CCCCC. annos et ultra, elegauter scrip- 
turn videri ; additas etiam esse non interlineares tantum not^s, sed 
et marginales utrinque ; in dextro videlicet et sinistro paginarum 
latere : rubrioam aatem Sjmboli nostri ita se habere ; Fided Anas- 


Hampole's days. It is possible that Joachim Pellerus, 
the compiler of the catalogue of the Leipsic librarr, 
might mistake in judging of the age of the manuscript, 
but it appears much more probable that the editors of 
that comment were mistaken in ascribing it to Ham- 
pole. However that be, I would here observe, that 
there is in Magdalen College, in Oxford, a comment 
intituled JExposttto in Symholum Athanaaianum per Ja- 
ntcensem (Catal. No. 2256, 115 c) which is no other 
than this very comment that passes in the prints under 
the name of Rich. Hampole. The catalogue's ascribing 
it to Januensis, was owing, I suppose, to an occasional 
passage in that manuscript relating to the Athanasian 
Creed, cited from Johannes Januensis's Catholtcon, or 
dictionary, under the word Symholum, The comment, 
however, I say, is the same with that which passes for 
Hampole's, as may plainly appear from the beginning 
of it, which I have transcribed into the margin ** ; only 
filling up an omission in it, occasioned, as is very com- 
mon, by the repetition of the same word. There may 
be a good use made of that manuscript in Magdalen 

tasii Papse. Id dextro primse paginae h»c legi verba : Haec ratio 
Fidei Catholicae traditur in veteribus Codicibus, et reliqua, quae 
antea ex MS. Bibliothecse Ducalis attuli. Unde patet, easdezn plane 
Glossas in utroque Codice reperiri ; prsesertim quum in sinistro 
alterius mat^ne, haec etiam verba legi referat Fellerus : Uic beatus 
Anastasius liberum arbitrium posuit/' &c. — 76., p. 225. 

• No. 116 m Mr. Ooxe's Catalogue, and referred by him to the 
beginning of the fifteenth century. 

^ *' Hsec ratio Fidei Catbolicse traditur etiam in veteribus Codic- 
biis a beato Athanasio Alexandrine conscripta. £t puto, quoi 
idcirco tarn piano et brevi sermone tradita sit, ut omnibus Catboiicis, 
et minus eruditis, tutamen defensionis praestaret adveraus illam tem- 
pestatem [quam contrarius ventus, hoc est, diabolus, excitavit per 
Arrium ; qiiara tempestatem] qui fugere desiderat, hanc Fidei uni- 
iatem (al. veritatem) integram et iuviolabilem teneat. Ita enim 
incipit ipsum opu^iculum, ^cens, * Quicimque vult Salvos,' &c. Hie 
beaiufl Athanasius liberum arbitrium posuit," &c. 


College, for correcting the printed copy, which is very 
faulty both in words and order. The comment ought 
to begin as it begins in that manuscript, and not with 
the words, Hie heattts Athanasttis, as in the prints. 
The editors did not understand, or did not consider, 
the nature and composition of that comment. The 
author, whoever he was, had made two columns, one 
on each hand, with the Athanasian Creed in the 
middle. On the left-hand, which is the first place, 
he set Bruno's comment, and on the right-hand, in 
the other colunm, he carried down another comment 
either of his own or borrowed. The first note on the 
right-hand was plainly designed for an introduction 
to the rest, and therefore ought to be set first, though 
the editors, considering only the position of the notes, 
began from the left-hand, with the first words of 
Bruno's comment. The Oxford copy observes the true 
natural order, and may very probably be of good use 
all the way through for the better digesting and metho- 
dizing that comment or comments, being in reality two 
comments mixed and blended together. 

I should observe of the Oxford copy, that after the 
comment there is in the same hand this note, Hac con- 
scripta sunt a quodam antiquo libro. Possibly this may 
be of some use for the determining whether that com- 
ment be really Hampole*s or no. For if the manu- 
script be not much later than 1415 (it must be so late, 
since it fixes that very date to Dr. UUerston's Exposi- 
tion of the Six Psalms) it may be probably argued 
that anything of Hampole's, who flourished but about 
eighty years before, would not have been called anti- 
guuB Ither, an 'ancient book.* But this I leave to 


farther enquiries, not insisting upon it, since the argu- 
ment is but probable at the best; and I do not know 
but the manuscript may be several years later than 
1415, though hardly later than the middle of that 
century. Ullerston is undoubtedly the latest author 
in that collection. Petrus Florissiensis, or Floreffiensis 
(otherwise called Petrus de Harentals), wrote in 1374 •: 
Januensis, Gorrham, Lyra, and Hampole are all older 
than he : the last, therefore, is Ullerston, who was pro- 
bably still living when that manuscript was written. 
But enough of this. 

1380. To the Latin comments here mentioned I may 
add an English one, which I may suppose to be WickliflTs. 
If it be not his, yet certainly it is of his time, and not 
far from the middle of the fourteenth century. I will 
first give some account of this English comment, and 
then shew both why I ascribe it to "Wickliff, and why 
I do it not with full assurance, but with some degree 
of diffidence. I first met with it in a manuscript 
volume (in 12mo.) belonging to the library of St. John's 
College in Cambridge. The volume contains an Eng- 
lish version of the Psalms and Hymns of the Church, 
with the Athanasian Creed, produced paragraph by 
paragraph in Latin, interspersed with an Engli'rh ver- 
sion of each paragraph, and commented upon quite 
through, part by part. After the comment follow 
Proverbs, Eccle^-iastes, Song of Songs, Wisdom, and 
Ecclesiasticus, all in old English, without gloss or 
comment. Now the reasons why I incline to ascribe 
the comment to Wickliff are these : — 

1. Dr. Langbaine, of Queen's College in Oxford, in 

« See Oudin, de Scriptor. EccUt., toI. iii. p. 1218. 


a letter to Bishop Usher bearing date a.d. 1647, testi- 
fies that he had seen such a comment, and that he 
found it to be Wickliff's by comparing the beginning 
of it with Bale'. This, very probably, is the same 
comment, though there is no such manuscript now 
in Magdalen College, Oxon., as was in Dr. Langbaine's 

2. All those parts of Scripture which go before and 
after this comment in the same volume, are of the 
same version with that of Wickliff *s Bible in the library 
of Emmanuel College, without any difference (except 
that St. John's copy, being older, retains the more 
ancient spelling,) as I am well assured by comparing 
them together, so that if those parts be Wickliff's, it 
may appear very probable that the comment is his too. 
Indeed, our very learned Wharton was of opinion that 
the version commonly ascribed to Wickliff * was really 
John Trevisa's, who flourished in the time of Richard 
the Second, was a Cornish man by birth, and Vicar of 
Berkely in Gloucestershire about the year 1387^; in 
which year he finished his translation of the Foly^ 
chronicon. But Mr. "Wharton's reasonings in this matter 
have appeared to others not satisfactory*, and have in 

t " While T was there (in Magdalen College Library), tumbling 
amongKt their booVs, I light upon an old English comment upon 
the Psalms, the Hymns of the Church, and Athanasius's Creed ; 
which 1 presently conjectured (though there be no name to it) to 
be Wickliff's. And comparing the beginning with Bale, found 
that I had not erred in the conjecture." — Laugbaine, among Usher's 
Jjetters, p. 513. 

9 Wharton, Auctar. HiMor. Dogmat, p. 425—427. 

^ In that year he finished his version of Higden's Polychronicon, 
as the MS8. testify : and as is plain from its being finibhed in the 
thirty-fifth year of Thomas Lord Berkely, the fourth of that name, 
which Hgrees exactly with that year, and with no other. 
Mk ' Oudm, de Scriptor. Ecclet, , voL iii. p. 1044. 

V ' 


part been confuted''. I shall not enter far into that 
dispute, being almost foreign to my purpose, and it 
is not very material whether Wickliff or Trevisa (if 
either) be judged the author of the comment. This 
only I may observe by the way, that Mr. Wharton's 
argument, drawn from the Korfolk manuscript of the 
Gospels (Cud. 254), which he is positive belongs to 
"Wickliff, appears to be of some weight, so far as con- 
cerDs the New Testament, and the inference may reach 
to several parts of the Old Testament also. Either 
Mr. Wharton must have been mistaken in ascribing 
the Norfolk copy to Wickliff, or else, for anything 
I see, his argument will stand good. The charac- 
teristic which he lays down whereby to distinguish 
Wicklift*'s version (namely, the frequent insertion of 
synonymous words) will by no means agree with the 
common version: and then the specimen he gives of 
the two different renderings of Luke ii. 7, is directly 
contrary \ But a fuller discussion of that point may 
be lelt with those who have more leisure, and have 
more particularly studied it. I am content to suppose 
that the common version ascribed to Wickliff is really 
his: perhaps he might give two editions of it"; or 

^ Le Long, Bibl. Sacr., vol. i. p. 426. 

^ Wicklet'us sic reddit: ''Adq puttide Him in a Cratche; for 
place was not to Him in the corny n Stable." 

Alter interpres sic : *' And leide Him in a Cratche ; for there was 
no place to Him in no Chaumbre." — Wharton, p. 426. 

I have a manuscript of the New Testament, belonging to our 
College library, which reads Luke ii. 7 according to tbe first 
reading, and which has many instances of synonymous insertions 
everywhere: it is a differenc version from that which is commonly 
ascribed to Wickliff. 

* '* Patet, aub antiquiorem fuisse quandam S. Scripturse transla- 
tionem Ang^licam, aut duplicem fuisse translatiunis Wicievianw 
Editionem.^— Wharton, p. 436. 


else Trevisa's may be little more than Wiokliff's ver- 
sion, corrected and polished with great liberty, both 
as to sense and expression, where it appeared needful. 
That Trevisa really did translate the whole Bible into 
English, is positively asserted by Caxton, in his pre- 
face to Trevisa's translation of Higden's Folychro- 
nieon ", and by Bale °, who gives us the first words of 
the preface to it. To proceed. 

3. A third reason I have for the ascribing the com- 
ment to Wickliff is, that some parts of it seem to suit 
exactly with his humour, and manner, and way of 
thinking, particularly the gird upon Popes and Car- 
dinals in the close ^, 

Nevertheless, I am far from being positive in this 

" ''Banulph Monke of Chestre first Auctour of this Book, and 
afterward Englished by one Trevisa Vicarye of Barkley; which 
atte request of ote Sr. Thomas Lord Barkley translated this sayd 
Book, the Byble, and Bartylmew de proprietatibus rerum out of 
Latyn into Englysh.'*— Caxton, Prohemye to bis Edit. 1482. 

• '<In Anglicum idioma, ad petitionem prsedicti sui domini de 
Barkeley, transtulit totum Bibliorum opus : Utrumque Dei Testa- 
mentum lib. ii. (His preface beginning) Ego Johannes Trevisa Sacer- 
dos." — Bal., Cent. vu. o. 18, p. 518. 

N.B. Bale seems to be mistaken in saying that Trevisa con* 
tinned the Polychr. to 1397. For Trevisa ended with 1357. And 
Caxton declares that himself continued the history for 103 years 
farther, to 1460. (in this Dr. Waterland appears to have been misled 
by a mistake of Caxton's, since the true date of the end of John 
Ire visa's translation is 1387* as Dr. Waterland himself states above. 
The last date mentioned in Trevisa's text is 1357 ; which is perhaps 
the cause of Caxton's mistime. See Babington's Preface to Uig- 
den, vol. i. p. Ixii. n.) 

F " And Gugif this Crede accorde unto Prestis, netheles the higher 
Prelatis, as Popis and Cardynals, and Bisshops shulden more spe- 
cially Kunne this Crede, and teche it to Men undir hem."— Comm. 
on £e Athan. Creed. 

Compare some words of Wicklifif's Bileve. 

'* I suppose, over this, that the Pope be most oblisbid to the 
kepicg of the Gospel among all Men that liven here ; for the 
Pope is highest Vicar that Christ has here in Erth." — ColUer, EccL 
H%H.t vol. L p. 728. 


matter : much may be offered to take off the force of 
these reasons, or to counterbalance them. 1. This very 
comment is annexed to a manuscript commentary upon 
the Psalms and Hymns of the Church, now in Trinity 
College Library in Cambridge ; which commentary ap- 
pears not to be Wickliff's, though supposed to be his 
by Mr. Wharton **. The English version of the Psalms, 
going along with that commentary, is not the same 
with that of Wickliff's Bible : I have compared them. 
The commentary and version, too, are reasonably judged 
to be Hampole's. I find by a note left in a blank page 
at the beginning (signed J. Eussel) that there is a copy 
of this commentary in the Royal Library (E. 15, 12), 
but imperfect; the prologue the very same, and ex- 
pressly ascribed to Eichard of Hampole, from whence 
it may be justly suspected that the comment upon the 
Athanasian Creed at the end, appearing in part (for 
two leaves are cut out), is Hampole's as well as the 
rest. There is in Bennet Library, in Cambridge, an- 
other manuscript copy of the same commentary (marked 
1 — 1. Catal., p. 69) with the comment upon the Creed 
entire. The prologue I found to be the same as in the 
other, as also the comment on the first Psalm; by 
which I judge of the rest'. The comment on the Can- 
ticles at the end is likewise the same, only the Canti- 
cles are not all placed in the same order. At the 

4 ''Commentarius in Psalmos, aliosque Sacrse Scripture ao Li- 
turgise Ecclesiasticse Hymnos, MS. in Collegio S. Trinitatis Cantab. 
F. Commentarius in priores 89 Fsalmos habetur MS. in BiblioUieca 
Lambethana." — Wliarton, sec. Wicklef., Append, ad Cav, H. L., 
p. 54. 

' Qy. whether there be not one or two more copies of the same 
in the Bodleian. See the Bodleian Manuscripts in the General 
Catalogue, No. 2438, 3085. 


bottom of the second leaf of the comraentary there is 
left this note by an unknown hand. Author hujus 
Zihrty Etchardtis, Seremtta de Hampole, Now if this 
commentary really be Hampole's, of which I can 
scarce make any question, it will appear highly pro- 
bable that the comment on the Creed is his too. 
2. "What favours the suspicion is, that here the com- 
ment is annexed to other comments in like form with 
itself, and not to mere versions, as in the manuscript 
of St. John's library. Kay, further, this comment on 
the Creed, as it appears in St. John's copy, has the 
several parts of the Creed in Latin, and in red letter, 
prefixed to the respective version and comment; just 
as we find in Hampole the several parts of each Psalm 
exhibited first in Latin and in red letter, which cir- 
cumstance is of some weight. 3. Add to this, that 
there are some expressions in the comment on the 
Creed very like to those which are familiar with 
the author of that commentary on the Psalms, such 
as these, "it is seid comunly, that ther ben, &c. 
Clerkis sein," thus and thus ; so that from similitude 
of style an argument may be drawn in favour of Ham- 
pole as well as for Wickliff. These considerations 
suffer me not to be positive on the other side. The 
comment may be Hampole's, or it ipay be Wickliff's; 
which latter opinion I the rather incline to for the 
reasons before given, appearing to me something more 
forcible than the other. And I may farther observe 
that there is in Sidney College, in Cambridge, a very 
old copy of Hampole's commentary, which runs through 
the Psalms, and all the ordinary Hymns and Canticles, 
but has no comment upon the Athanasian Creed an- 


nexed, though the MS. appears very whole and entire. 
This makes me less inclinable to suspect the comment 
upon the Creed being Hampole*s ; it is more probably 
WickliflTs, as I before said. However it be, the com- 
ment may be useful, and if it should prove Hampolo's, 
it must be set forty years higher than I have here 
placed it. The distance of thirty or forty years makes 
no great alteration in any language, so that merely 
from the language, especially in so small a tract, we 
can draw no consequence to the author, excepting 
such peculiarities as may have been rather proper to 
this or that man, than to this or that time. 

1478. To the comments before mentioned I may add 
one more, a Latin one, printed as I suppose, about the 
year 1478, though it carries not its date with it. The 
author is Peter d'Osma, called in Latin, Petrus de 
Osoma", or Petrus Oxomensis, or TJxomensis. The 
comment makes about seventy pages in quarto, and is 
drawn up in the scholastic way, with good judgment 
and accuracy, considering the age it was written in. 
The book was lent me by Mr. Pownall of Lincoln, 
a gentleman of known abilities, and particularly curious 
in searching out and preserving any rare and un- 
common pieces, printed or manuscript. I do not find 
that this comment has been at all taken notice of in 
any of our Bihlioth^qms, or in any of the catalogues 
of the books printed before 1500. Even those that 
give account of the author, yet seem to have known 
nothing of the printing of this piece : probably there 
were but very few copies, and most of them soon de- 

• ** Commentaria magistri Petri de Osoma in l^mbolum ' Qui- 
ounque vult/ &o., finiunt felioiter. Impressaque ParitiiB per ma- 
gistrum Uauiricum, oognomento Oering." 


stroyed upon the author's falling under censure in the 
year 1479. The author, if I judge right, was the same 
Peter Osma who was Professor of Divinity in Sala- 
manca, and adorned the chair with great reputation 
for many years. He hegan to be famous about the 
year 1444, and at length fell under the censure of 
a provincial synod, held under Alphonsus Carrillus, 
Archbishop of Toledo, in the year 1479*. He was 
condemned for some positions advanced in a book which 
he had written upon the subject of Confession. The 
positions, nine in number, are such as every Protestant 
professes at this day "* ; being levelled only at the cor- 
ruptions of popery in doctrine and discipline ; but the 
good man was forced to submit and abjure, and to 
profess an implicit belief in whatsoever was held for 
faith by the then Pope Sixtus IV. Such, in short, is 
the account of our author, one of the most learned and 
valuable men of his time, by confession even of his 
enemies. At what particular time he composed his 
comment on the Athanasian Creed, I cannot say; only 
that it was between 1444 and 1479. I have placed 
it according to the time it was printed as nearly as 
I am able to judge of it. 

These are all the ancient comments upon the Atha- 
nasian Creed that I have hitherto met with, or heard 
of, excepting only such as have no certain author, or 
none mentioned. 

Muratorius informs us of two comments without 
names, which are in manuscript, in the Ambrosian 

» Nicol. Antonius, Biblioiheea ffispana vetus, lib. x. c. 16, § 900, 
&c., (vol. il p. 203.) 

« See tbe Positioiis and Censure In Carranza. — Summ, Coneil., 
p, 463, 3ui., (880, &o.) 



Library, near 600 years old. One of them bears for 
its title, JEJxposttio Ih'dei Catholica ; the other has no 
title. By the age of the manuscripts, (if Muratorius 
judges rightly thereof,) one may be assured that they 
are distinct and different from any of the comments 
below Abelard: and that they are neither of them 
the same with Bruno's or Fortunatus's, may reasonably 
be concluded, because Muratorius was well acquaint- 
ed with both, and would easily have discovered it. 
"Whether either of them may prove to be Abelard' s, 
which has for its title, Expositio Mdei, and may suit 
well with the age of the manuscripts, I know not. 
Muratorius, while he makes mention of Bruno and 
Hildegardis, whose comments he had seen, says no- 
thing of Abelard' s; so that possibly one of his manu- 
script comments may prove the same with that. But 
if neither of them be the same with Abelard's, nor 
with each other, they must be allowed to pass for two 
distinct comments, whose authors are not yet known. 

Nothing now remains but to close this chapter with 
a Table, as I have the former, representing in one 
view a summary of what is contained in it. 


A.D . I Oommentators • 


Venant. Fortunatus. 

MS. Ambrosian. 
MS. alter Ambros. 
Pet. Abaelardus. 
S. Hildegardis. 
Simon Tornacensis. 
Alex. Neckham. 
Alexander Hales. 
Rich. Hampolus. 
John Wickliff. 
Petr. de Osoma. 















Title of the Oreed. 

Fides Catholica. 

/^mbolum Athanasii. 

Fides Catholica Sancti Athanasii 

Fides Catholica. [^Episcopi, 

Symbolum Athanasii. 

Sytnbolum Athanasii. 
Fides Catholica. 
Athanasii Symbolum. 
Athanasii Symbolum. 
Crede, or Salm, of Attanasie. 
Athanasii Symbolum. 


Latin Maiotsceipts op the Athanasian Cbeed. 

I CONFINE myself in this chapter to the Latin manu- 
scripts, since the Creed was undoubtedly written origi- 
nally in Latin, and therefore the manuscripts in any 
other languages will be more properly treated of in 
another chapter among the versions. None of the 
learned at this day make any question but that the 
Creed was originally a Latin composure. This they 
pretend to be certain of, and unanimously agree in, 
however doubtfully they may speak of other things, or 
however they may differ in their opinions about the age 
or author. Even those, many of them, who have as- 
cribed the Creed to Athanasius, have yet been obliged 
by plain and irresistible evidence to acknowledge, with 
the legates of Pope Gregory IX., that it was originally 
Latin. The style and phraseology of the Creed ; its 
early reception among the Latins, while unknown to 
the Greeks; the antiquity and number of the Latin 
manuscripts, and their agreement (for the most part) 
with each other, compared with the lateness, scarce- 
ness, and disagreement of the Greek copies, all concur 
to demonstrate that this Creed was originally a Latin 
composure rather than a Greek one: and as to any 
other language besides these two, none is pretended. 

I proceed, then, to recount the Latin manuscripts as 
high as we can find any extant, or as have been known 


to have been extant ; and as low as may be necessary, 
or useful to our main design. 

A.D. 600. The oldest we have heard of is one mentioned 
by Bishop Usher, which he had seen in the Cotton 
Library, and which he judged to come up to the age of 
Gregory the Great*. This manuscript has often been 
appealed to since Usher's time, and upon the credit of 
Usher, by the learned on this subject : as particularly 
by Comber, L'Estrange, Tentzelius, Tillemont, Le 
Quien, Muratorius, I^atalis Alexander, and perhaps 
-several more. Montfaucon takes notice of Usher's 
manuscript ; but observes that Usher himself allowed 
the character to be much later than the time of Gre- 
gory ^ : which would have been a strange inconsistency 
in Usher, who forms his argument for the antiquity of 
the manuscript from the character itself, and from the 
ancient kind of picture. But Montfaucon is plainly 
mistaken, confounding what Usher had said of another 
manuscript, in Bennet Library at Cambridge®, with 

^ " Latino-gallicum illud Psalterium in Bibliotheoa Cottoniana 
vidimus : sicut et alia Latina duo, longe majoris antiquitatis ; in 
qui bus, pr»ter Hymnum hunc (sc. Te Deum) sine ullo authoris do- 
mine, Hymni ad Matutlnas, titulo insoriptum, et Athanasianum 
habebatur Symbolum, et Apostolicum totidem omnino quot ho- 
diemum nostrum oontinens oapitula. In priore, quod Gregorii I. 
tempore non fuisse recentius, tum ex antiquo pioturse genere col- 
ligitur, tum ex literarum forma grandiuscula, Atbanasianum qui- 
dem, Fidei Catholicse, .... alterum vero Symboli Apostolorum 
prsefert titulum. In posteriore, quod Begis ^bhelstani aliquando 
fuit, Apostolicum, yice versa, Symbolum simpliciter, alterum au- 
tem Fides Sancti Atbanasii Alexandrini nuncupatur."— -Usher, de 
Symb. Praef., p. 4 (2, 3). 

^ ** Codicum omuium qui hactenus visi memoratique sunt, anti- 
quissimus ille est qui ab Usserio laudatur, »vo Gregorii Magni 
conscriptus ; si tamen ea vere sit ejus MS. setas : nam addit 
Usserius, scripturam sevo Gregorii longe esse posteriorem." — 
Moutf.,Z>ta<r., p. 721. 

c << in Psalterio Grseco Paps Gregorii, ut pnefert titulus (sorip- 
tura euim sevo Gregorii longe est posterior) Psalteriu videlicet 


what he had said of the Cotton manuscript at West- 
minster. The two manuscripts are very distinct, and 
different as possible; nor has the Bennet manuscript 
any Athanasian Creed in it : only its being called 
Gregory's Psalter occasioned, I suppose, the mistake 
of making it the same with the other. Tentzelius** 
seems first to have confounded them together ; and pro- 
bably Montfaucon followed him implicitly, not having 
Usher at hand to consult, which would immediately 
have discovered the fallacy. Were there no other ob- 
jection against Usher's manuscript beside what hath 
been mentioned, all would be well ; but it is of greater 
weight to observe, that there is not at this day in the 
Cotton Library any such manuscript copy of the Atha- 
nasian Creed, nor indeed any Latin Psalter that can 
come up to the age of Gregory, or near it. There is 
an ancient Psalter (marked Vespasian A.) written in 
capitals and illuminated, and which might perhaps, by 
the character, be as old as the time of Gregory the 
Great, were it not reasonable to think, from a charter 
of King Ethelbald, written in the same hand and at 
the same time, and formerly belonging to it% that it 

Gneoo et Romano, LatiDis utroque Uteris descripto, quod in Bene- 
dictini, apud Cantabrigienses, Collegii Bibliotheca est reconditam." 
— Usher, de Symb. , p. 9. This MS. is marktd N. 15 in the Cata- 
lojrue of MSS. of C. C. C, CambriHge, p. 44. 

<* Tentzel., Judic. ErvdU.^ p. 49; Exerdi. Select., vol. i. p. 29. 

• ** Constat vero ex Historia et Synopsi Bibl. CottooiansB, quam 
in ingens Reip. literariae beneficium edidit amplifiicaudis bonis 
Uteris Latus doctissimus Thomas Smithus noster, et iodiculo Psal- 
terii Latini in majusoulis scripti cum versione Sazonica inter- 
lineari, quod notatur Vespasian. A. I. Chartam haoc (^Ethelbalai 
R. Australium Saxonum) ex isto MS. exscisttam esse. Quod etiam 
illius quum mensura qu» cum foUis iUius MS. quadrat, tum etiam 
manus in utroque prorsus eadem, tum deoique Locus MSS., unde 
scissa est, inter folia x. et xi., codicem vertentibus ostendit."— 
Hickes, Dissert, Epist., p. 67, (at the end of vol. ii of his Thesaurus,) 


caunot be Bet higher than the date of that charter, 
A.D. 736. But I should here observe, that that charter 
is not in the larger capitals, as the Psalter itself is, but 
in the smaller capitals, the same hand that the several 
pieces in that manuscript, previous to tbe Psalter, are 
written in ; and how far this may affect our present 
argument I cannot say. Possibly the Psalter itself, 
being in a different hand, may be older than those 
previous pieces, as it is certainly much older than 
the additional pieces at the end, which are not in 
capitals, great or small. 

This Psalter has the Te Beum annexed to it, with 
the title of Hymnm ad Mdtutmum, as Usher's had ; and 
also the Athanasian Creed, with the title of Fides 
Catholica ; but both in a very different and much later 
hand than that of the Psalter itself, later by several 
centuries, as the very learned Mr. Wanley' judges, 
who sets the age of the Psalter about 1000 years, but 
of the Athanasian Creed, &c., at the time of the I^or- 
man Conquest. A suspicion, however, may from hence 
arise, that this very Psalter, with what belongs to it, 
might be the Psalter, &c., which Usher spake of, espe- 
cially since there is none other in the Cotton Library 
at all like it. But, on the contrary, it is to be con- 
sidered, that this manuscript has no Apostolical Creed 
at all in it, which Usher affirms his to have had ; nor 
has it the HymntLs MatutintcSy beginning with Gloria in 
exceUis BeOy which Usher's also had 8 ; nor is the Creed 

' Wanley, Ccutal, MSS. Septentr., p. 222. 

ff " Ad nDem veterum Psaiteriorum Latinorum, cum Apostolico 
et Athanasiano Symbolo, etiam Hymnus iste<sc. Gloria, &c.)ha- 
betur adjeotus. In antiquissimo Cottouiano dyevCypatpos est : in 


in capitals, as one would imagine Usher's to have been 
by what he says of it ; neither is it at all probable, 
that if Usher had intended the Psalter now extant in 
the Cotton, he should give no hint of the Saxon version 
going along with it, especially considering that it might 
be made an objection to its antiquity ; nor do I think 
that so inquisitive a man as Usher could either have 
been ignorant of the age of Ethelbald, or of his charter 
having been once a part of that manuscript. In his 
Siatoria Dogmatical, he takes notice of this very 
Psalter (now marked Vespasian A.), and of the Saxon 
version in it, and likewise of its being in the same 
hand with Ethelbald's charter; and there he sets the 
age of it no higher than the year 736 (that is, above 
130 years later than Gregory I.), without the least hint 
that he had ever mistaken the age of it before, or had 
thought otherwise of it than he did at the time of his 
writing this later treatise. These considerations per- 
suade me that Bishop Usher had seen some other ma- 
nuscript, which has since that time, like many more ^, 
been lost or stolen from the Cotton Library. He that 
was 80 accurate in every tittle of what he says of 
King Athelstan's Psalter (mentioned at the same time), 
could never have been so negligent, or rather plainly 
careless, in respect of the other. I conclude, therefore, 
that there really was such a Psalter as Usher describes, 
with the Athanasian Creed in it, such as he judged to 

iEthelstaniano proximo, Hymnus in die Dominioo ad Matutinas, 
insoribitur."— Usher, de Symbol.^ p. 42 (38). 

I* ** In Bibliotheca D. RoOerti Cucton extat Psalterium Romanum 
vetustissimum, cum versione interlineari Saxooica : character i tern 
cum charta iEthilbaldi Anglonim Regis, anno 736 data." — Usher, 
Hist. DogmaL, p. 104. 

* T. Smiti, Pr<^. ad Catalog. MSS. Bibl. Cotton. 


be of the age of Gregory I,, from more marks than one ; 
and how good a judge he was in those matters is well 
known to as many as know anything of that great man. 
But how far his judgment ought to sway, now the 
manuscript itself is lost, I must leave with the reader. 
660. Next to this of Bishop Usher we may place the 
famous manuscript of Treves, from which the Colbert 
manuscript (to be mentioned hereafter in its place) was 
copied. Mr. Antelmi ^ sets it as high as the year 450, 
upon a presumption that the Colbert manuscript is as 
old as the year 600, and that 150 years may reasonably 
be allowed between the Colbertine copy and that from 
which it was copied. Tillemont, supposing or admit- 
ting the Colbertine to be near the age that Antelmi 
mentions, yet thinks fifty years difference might be suf- 
ficient, and that therefore the age of the Treves manu- 
script might be fixed at 650, or thereabout ^ But, 
since the Colbert manuscript cannot reasonably be set 
much higher than 760, as we shall see in its proper 
place, I shall not pretend to set the Treves manuscript 
above 660, and that only under the favourable allow- 
ance of a probable conjecture. The authority of this 
manuscript of Treves stands upon the credit of a pas- 
sage prefixed to the Colbertine copy ", which declares 
that the latter was copied from a manuscript found at 
Treves. It was not a copy of the entire Creed, but 
began at the Second Part, which relates to the Incar- 
nation ; for, after the words '* believe rightly the In- 

^ Antelm., de Synib. Athan., p. 26. 

1 Tillemont, Memoires, vol. viii. p. 283 (670). 

■ **HaBC inveni Treviris ia uno libro scriptum, sic incipiente, 
Domini nostri Jesu Christi et reliqua. Domini nostri Jeaa Christi 
fideliter credaU"— Apad Mont£,, JJiatrib., p. 728. 


carnation of our Lord Jesus Christ" (being only part of 
the foregoing sentence) follows ; ** for the right faith is, 
that we believe," and so on to the end of the Creed. 
This remaining part of the Creed is very different from 
the common copies, and seems to have been so con- 
trived with design, as I shall have occasion to observe 
mere at large in the sequel. And it is to me an argument 
that the manuscript was written while the Eutychian 
controversy was at the height, about the end of the fifth 
century, or beginning of the sixth, though I here set 
it a great deal lower, because this is not the place to 
explain that matter fully, nor would I too far indulge 
a bare conjecture. It is sufficient to suppose it written 
in the seventh century, as it was undoubtedly copied 
from as early if not earlier than the eighth. 

700. After the manuscript of Treves may justly fol- 
low the Ambrosian manuscript, which is in the Am- 
brosian Library at Milan, a copy of which has been 
published by Muratorius, in his second tome of Anec- 
dota. It was brought thither from the famous monas- 
tery of Bobbio, (of High-Lombardy, in the Milanese,) 
founded by Columbanus, a.d, 613. The character of 
the manuscript is Langobardick, and it is judged by 
Muratorius (who has more particularly examined it) to 
be above 1000 years old". By his account then, who 

>* '' In alio etiam Vetustissimo AmbrosiansB Bibliotheose Codice 
ante mille et plures annos Boripto» Symbolum idem sum naotus." — 
Murator., vol. i. p. 16. 

*' C»terum opusoulum Hoc (Baohlarii Fides) mibi depromptum 
est ex antiquissimo AmbrosiansB Bibliotheca Codice, quern ante 
annos minimum mille conscriptum, cbaracterum forma non dubi- 
tanter testatur. Fuit autem olim Celebris Monasterii Bobiensis, 
et ex illo in Ambrosianam translatus a ma^o Card. Federioo 
Borromseo," &c. — Murator., vol ii. pp. 8, 224. 


wrote in the year 1698, we ought to set the age of this 
manuscript higher than 698. Yet, because Montfau- 
con, who in his travels through Italy had also seen it, 
puts it no higher than the eighth century °, we shall 
be content to place it between the seventh and eighth, 
or in the year 700, to make it a round number. There 
are in this manuscript some readings different from the 
common copies, which shall be carefully noted here- 
after. It is without any title. 

703. We may next set down King Athelstan's 
Psalter, of which Eishop Usher had taken notice, 
making it next in age to the other most ancient one of 
the age of Gregory I. He and Dr. Grabe both fix the 
date of it to the year 703, from the Eule of the Calen- 
dar found in it p. Dr. Smith, in his Catalogue of the 
Cotton Manuscripts, inclines to think that the manu- 
script is later than that time, but taken from one that 
was really as early as the year 703, the later copyist 
transcribing (as sometimes has been) the book and the 
Eule word for word, as he found them **. Allowing 

• " Codex VIII. Seeculi, cbaractore Langobardico, in quo Gen- 
cadii de Eooleslasticis Dogmatibus. Bachiarii Fides, Symbolum 
Athanasii, omDia eadem manu." — Montfauc, Diar. Ital., p. 18. 

' ** Psalterium illud anno »rs8 noslrse Cbristians 703, longe ante 
uEtbelstani regnantis tempora, ex regulis Kalendario in libri initio 
subjunotis scriptum fuisse deprehendi." — Usher, de Si/mb., p. 8 (6). 

** Quod Regis ^Etbelstani fuisse dicitur, atque anno 703 scrip- 
tum est." — Grabe, Prolegom. in, Velus Test, vol. iv. o. 3, § 7. 

4 *' Hie vero venerandse antiquitatis liber fere ante mille anoos 
descriptus ; ut quibusdam ex Calendario, quod annum Ctiristi 703, 
certo designat, lUic prsfixo videtur. Sed cum libraries eandem 
temporis adnotationem, quae ad vetusti^simos codices proprie et 
peouliariter spectat, suis exemplaribus apposuisse ssepissime obser- 
vaverim .... an sit ille ipse co<fex autograpbus qui tantam prse 
se ferat setatem, vel annon potius sseculo, aut circiter, ante tem- 
pera iEthelstani descriptus, vix pro certo prsestarera ; ad poste- 
riorem sententiam faventiori animo inclinatorus." — Smith, Bihl. 

74 Ajsamn latdt xAvrscRiFn of 

this to have been the case here (though it be only con- 
jectore), it may still be tme that there was a manuscript 
of the age of 703 with this Creed in it, from whence 
the later one, now extant^ was copied, which serves our 
purpose as well, and the rest is not material. But it 
should not be concealed that the Psalter (in this manu- 
script) U in small Italian, and ihe above-mentioned Bule 
in a Sin all Baxon hand, which may, in some measure, 
weaken the argument drawn from the age of one to the 
age of the other ; so that at length our evidence from 
this manuscript will be short of certainty, and will rise 
no higher than a fair probable presumption. I have 
nothing farther to observe, but that the Psalter wherein 
this Creed is, is the Gallican Psalter, not the Eoman, 
tind the title is, Fides Scmcti Athcmasii Alexandrini, 
*' The Faith of St. Athanasius of Alexandria.*' 

7flO. We may now take in the Colbertine copy, of 
which I have before spoken, referring the date of it to 
tho year 760, or thereabout. Montfaucon sets it above 
the uge of Charles the Great ', allowing it to have been 
written about the time of Pepin, who began to reign 
in the year 752 ; so that I cannot be much out of time 
in placing it us I have done. It is written in Saxon 

Cotton, Jliitor., p. 44. (This paBsaffe could not be found in Dr. 

' '* NongentoH superat annos Colbertinus codex 784» Saxonicis 
denoriptus lii«riii, ec iiiea quideai Bententia, ante seuttem Caroli 
Makiii oiiitus .... Sunt qui codioem ilium 1100 anuorum esse 
ndtlrinaruiit : verum periti quique tevo oiroiter Pipini exaratum 
arbltrautur."— Montf.. Diatr., p. 721. 

**Noo tAmoD Oodiuls Oolbortini auotoritate niUtur hseo opinio, 
quoiu Hibitraiur AutiiolmiuB 1100 annorum. Etenim (quod puce 
virl orudititMimi, «t aiiiiciaBimi dioatur) muito minoriB setatis coiex 
WfO coinprolHitur ; nemo euim perituB oui librum exhibuerim, 
octavo cum Ba)uuio autiquiorem tusdmavit." — lb., p. 724. 


character, and is imperfect, wanting the first part, 
above one-half of the Creed, just as the manuscript of 
Treves, from which it was copied. 

760. The manuscript of St. Germans at Paris is entire, 
and of the same age with the former '. It is marked 
No. 257, and written in a Saxon letter as well as the 
other. A specimen of the hand, with the three first 
paragraphs of the Creed, may be seen in Mabillon^ 
The title. Fides Sancti Athanasu JSpiscopi Alexandria, 
It differs in some places from the common copies (as 
shall be noted hereafter), though not near so much as 
the Colbert manuscript before mentioned. 

772. Next to these is the famous manuscript of Charles 
the Great, at the end of a Gallican Psalter, written in 
letters of gold, and presented by Charlemagne, while 
only king of France, to Pope Adrian 1., at his first 
entrance upon the Pontificate, in the year 772. Lam- 
becius, in his catalogue of the Emperor's Library at 
Vienna, where this manuscript is, gives a large account 
of it*. The title is. Fides Sancti Athanasii Fpiscopi 

800. There is another manuscript in the Koyal 
Library at Paris, marked 4908, which Montfaucon 
judges to be near 900 yeeirs old^. He wrote in the 

■ ** Paris saltern antiquitatis est Sangermanensis noster, num. 257. 
Saxoniois pariter Uteris exaratus, qui titulum habet, * Fides ISancti 
Athanasii Episcopi Alexandriss/ " — lb., p. 721. 

* Mabill., de re Biplom.f lib. v. p. 351. 

« Lambecius, CatcU.Biblioth, Vindobonens., lib. ii. c. 5, pp. 261, 296, 
&c. '* Carolus Magnus proprio carmine suo testatur se ilium codi* 
com summo Pontifici Hadriano I. dono misisse ; et quidem, ut ego 
arbitror, illo ipso anno 772, cujus die decimo Februarii jam me- 
moratus Hadrianas in summum Pontificem electus eat." 

▼ '* Regius Codex, num. 4908, annorum pene nongentorum, nul- 


year 1698. So if we place it in the year 800, we 
shall want a little of 900 years from that time. He 
supposes it of very near the same age with the Vienna 
manuscript. It bears no title, nor any name or note 
of the author. It contains no more than the first part 
of the Creed, as far as the words et tamen non tree 

atemtf sed untM ; the rest is torn off and lost. 

850. I may here place a manuscript of Bennet Col- 
lege Library in Cambridge, whose age I cannot cer- 
tainly fix to a year, but by all circumstances it cannot 
well be supposed later than this time. It is at the end 
of a Psalter, which, by comparing, I find to be a Gal- 
ilean Psalter. Bishop Parker left a remark in it about 
its being in the possession first of one of the Arch- 
bishops of Canterbury, and at length conveyed down 
to the hands of Becket*, who was Archbishop of Can- 
terbury in the year 1162. The great antiquity of 
the manuscript appears from the martyrs, confessors, 
and virgins addressed to in it, all of the early times ^. 
There are some few variations in this copy, such as 
are also found in the most ancient manuscripts of this 
Creed, particularly the word et, frequently inserted 
before Spiritus SanctuSy which has been since erased 

lum habet titulum, nuUumque auotoris nomen. uEqualis ipsi est, 
qui memoratur a Lambecio, &c. — Montf., Diatr., p. 721. 

* ** Hoc Psalterium [^. X.] laminis argenteis deauratum, et 
gemmis omabum, quondam fuit N. CaDtuar. Archiep. tandem 
venit in manusThoms Becket quondam Cant. Arcbiep. Quod tes- 
tatum est inveteri scripto." — Mattb. Cant., Catal.MSS. C.C.C., C. 
p. 43. 

r " In Litaniis, Orate pro nobis, Sancte Contestor, Sancte He- 
rasme, Sancte Oswolde, &o. Martyres. Sancte Cutbberte, Saucte 
Germane, Sancte Placide, Sancte Columbane, Sancte Caurentine, 
&c. Confessores. Sancta Brigida, Sancta Eugenia, Sancta Eulalia, 
Sancta Petronella, &c., Virgiues. Et non sunt hisce reoentiores." 
— Catal. MSS. C. C. C, C, p. 43. 


by some officions hand. The title is obseryable, Fide9 
Saneti Anasthasii Episeopi ; Anasthasii for Athatuuti, 
by a transposition of syllables. 

860. Montfaucon informs us of a manuscript in the 
Colbert library. No. 1339, which once belonged to 
Charles the Bald% who died in the year 877; began 
to reign 840. It cannot therefore be much amiss to 
fix upon 860 for the date of it. The title it bears 
is, Fides Athanasiu 

883. There is a second manuscript copy of the 
Athanasian Creed in the library of Bennet (or Corpus 
Christi) College, marked N. 0. V. It is at the end of 
a Gallican Psalter, in the same hand, and carrying its 
certain date with it. It was written in France, by 
order of Count Amadeus, or Achadeus', and in the 
year 883, as appears from the Litany *>. The title is, 
Fides Catholica. 

930. Mr. Wanley gives us an account of a Eoman 
Psalter in the Eoyal Library (formerly of St. James's), 
with an interlinear Saxon version to it, written about 
the time of King Athelstan^. Among the Canticles at 
the end there is also this Creed, under the title of 
Hymrms Athanasii de Fide Trinitatis, quern tu conceU' 
brans discutienter intellige. This is in red ink. The 

* "Colbertinus No. 1389, qui fuit Karoli Calvi imperotoris, in- 
soribitur ; Fides Athanasii." — Mont&uc, Diatrih., p. 721. 

* ''Ad finem Psalter ii, Achadeus, misericordia Dei comes bunc 
Psalterium scribere jussit." — Catal. MSS., C. C. C, C, p. 46. 

•» " Orator, ut Marinum ApostoUcum in Sancta religione conser- 
vare digneris, ut Earlomannum Kegem perpetua prosperitate oon- 
servare digneris : ut lieginam conservare dignens : ut Fulconem 
Jipiscopum cum omni grege sibi commieso in tuo apto sorvitio cou- 
servare digneris." — Catal. MSji. C. C. C, C, p. 47. 

« Wanley, Catal. MSS. Septentr., p. 182. Wanley, however, 
only gives the title Hymnus Athanasii, 


78 AirciEirr latin icAircrscBiPTS of 

title seems to have been then customary in England, as 
may be probably argaed from a Saxon version (to be 
hereafter mentioned) of the same age, or very near, and 
bearing the same title ^. 

957. In the Archbishop's Library at Lambeth there 
is a Gallican Psalter, written, according to Mr. Wanley*, 
in the time of King Edgar, or a little before. At the 
end there is the Athanasian Creed in the same ancient 
hand, with an interlinear Saxon version. The title, 
Fides CathoUca Sancti Athanaaii Episcopi. 

970. There is another manuscript copy of this Creed, 
much of the same age with the former, in my Lord 
Oxford's elegant library, richly furnished with all 
kinds of curious and valuable manuscripts. This Creed 
is at the end of a Gallican Psalter, and has an inter- 
linear Saxon version to it. Mr. Wanley, who was 
so kind as to acquaint me with it, and to favour me 
with a sight of it, refers it to the time of King Ed- 
gar, who began his reign in 959, and died in 975. 
The title is, Mdes CathoUea Athanasii AUxandrini 

1031. In the Cotton Library there is a Gallican 
Psalter, with Saxon interlined (marked Vitellius, E. 18), 
which Mr. Wanley refers to the year 1031'. The 
Athanasian Creed, at the end as usual among the other 
Canticles, bears the title of Mdes CathoUca Athanasn 
Epi8Copi AUxandrini, 

^ Hymn%L9 Athanasii de Fide TrinitatU. Wotton, Conspectiu 
BrevU operit Hichetiani, p. 77. 

• Wanley, Cato/., p. 269. ^'Eadgari Regis Anglosaxonum tem- 
poribus, aut paulo ante, ut videtur, exaratus." 

Wharton, Avatar, Hist Dogm., p. 374, ** Alfredo parum reoentior 

' Wanley, Catal, p. 222, 224. Smith, Catal. Cotton., p. 101. 


1060. In the Norfolk Library, now belonging to the 
ErOyal Society at London, there is also a Galilean 
Psalter, whose age is fixed by Mr, Wanleyt to the 
time of Edward the Confessor. The Creed is in it, and 
has an interlinear Saxon version running along with it. 
The title, Fides Catholica Athanasii Alex, 

1064, In Bennet College Library is a manuscript 
copy of this Creed without any title. The Psalter, 
wherein it is, is called Partifarium Oswaldi, and is 
marked K. 10. An account of the book may be seen 
in Mr. Wanley**, and in the Catalogue, p. 30. 

1066. I may here place the Cotton Manuscript before 
mentioned, bound up with the ancient Koman Psalter, 
marked Vespasian A., though of a very different and 
much later hand. The Creed has an interlinear Saxon 
version, as usual, and its title is Fides Catholica, Mr. 
Wanley judges it to be as old as the coming in of the 

1066. Of the same age ^ is the Eoman Psalter in our 
Public Library at Cambridge, with the Latin text in 
black letter, a Saxon version in red, and the titles 
in green. The Creed is interlined with Saxon, as 
well as the Psalter, but has no title; for from this 
time, I conceive, the title began to be left out in some 
copies for brevity sake, or because it was thought 

It will be needless to take notice of any manuscripts 
below this time, excepting only such as contain some- 
thing particular. 

f Wanley, Catal, p. 291. ^ Ibid., p. 110. 

> Ibid., p. 222. Smith, Bihl. Cotton, Histor., p. 35. 
k Wanley, Catal., p. 152. 


1087. QuesneP, and after him Pagi", speaks of 
a manuscript copy of this Creed in a Breviary and 
Psalter for the use of the monks of Mount Cassin, 
judged to be about 600 years old. This is the same 
Breviary that Quesnel has made observations upon in 
another work"; and there he fixes the age a little 
below 1086 — -patilo post annum 1086. The title of the 
Creed is, Fides Catholica edita ah Athanasio Alexan~ 
d/rina sedis Episcopo. There is the like title to the 
Creed in the triple Psalter of St John's College, Cam- 
bridge, about the same age, or older, (marked B. 18,) 
Incipit Mdes Catholica edita ah Athanasio Archiepiscopo 
Alexandrina civitatis. And there is such another title 
in a Psalter of the Norfolk Library, (No, 156,) Fides 
Catholica edita a Saneto Athanasio ^o.; but the hand 
is modem. 

1120. In my Lord Oxford's Library I had a sight of 
a manuscript written in Germany about 600 years ago, 
for the use of the Church of Augsburg, which bears for 
its title, Fides Anastasii Fpiscopi. 

1150. In the Norfolk Library is a Psalter (marked 
No. 230) with an interlinear version Normanno-Gal- 
lican; the Psalter is GalHcan, and the title of the 
Creed at the end, Fides Catholica, 

1240. ITsher takes notice of a copy of this Creed 
then in the Royal Library at St. James's, (formerly be- 
longing to Louis IX.) ; the title, Fides Catholica, 

1300. Montfaucon informs us of a Latin and a French 
copy of this Creed found in a manuscript about 400 

1 QuesDel, Dissert, xiv. ad Leon. Oper., p. 732. 

•» Pagi, Critic, in Barron. Ann. 340, § 8, p. 121, (voL I p. 441.) 

" Quesnel^ Obtervat. ad Breviarium, p. 327. 


years old, placed in opposite columns. What is re- 
markable is, that the Latin has for its title Canticum 
Bonifacit, and the French over against the other, Oe 
chant fust St, Anai'staise qui Apostoilks de Rome^, 

1400. In the Bodleian at Oxford there is a manu- 
script copy of this Creed (ITo. 1205), which has for its 
title, Anastasn Uxpositio Symholi Apostohrum, It is 
about 300 years old, and belonged once to the Carthu- 
sian monks at Mentz. The Carthusians are particu- 
larly noted for their more than common veneration for 
this Creed, reciting it every day at the Prime, as 
Cardinal Bona testifies both of them and the Ambro- 
siansP, which I remark by the way. I observe that 
the German copies of this Creed, for five or six hun- 
dred years upwards, have most commonly Anastasius 
instead of Athanasius. I make no question but that 
this first arose from a mistake of the copyists, and not 
out of any design. One may perceive that Anastasius 
is sometimes written where Athanasius of Alexandria 
must have been intended. I suppose, at first, some 
copies had accidentally Anasthasius for Athanasius (as 
one in Bennet College Library mentioned above), by 
a transposition of letters or syllables, as easily happens 
in writing or speaking : thus Phrunutus for Phumutus, 
Marivadus for Yarimadus, and the like. Now when 
the copyists had thus iutroduced Anasthasius (Anas-tha 
for Atha-nas), those that came after left out the h to 
make it Anastasius, that being a common name, which 
the other was not. This I thought proper to hint, 
that it may appear how little reason there is for ascrib- 

o Montfaucon, DUUrSb,, pp. 722, 727 

p Bona, de Divin, P*almod., c. 18, §§ 5, 10, pp. 897, 900. 



ing this Creed to Anastasius, whether of Eome, or of 
Antioch, or any other. 

I have now run through the manuscripts of greatest 
note or use, either for antiquity or for anything particu- 
lar, to give light to our further enquiries. Two only 
I have omitted, which have heen thought considerable ; 
not so much in themselves, as upon account of the other 
tracts they were found to be joined with. The one is 
the manuscript found in the library of Thuanus ( Codex 
Thtuinem), annexed to some tracts which were once 
supposed to belong to Vigilius Tapsensis, though now 
certainly known to be none of his. Quesnel was much 
pleased with the discovery of this manuscript, as fa- 
vouring his hypothesis about Vigilius Tapsensis ^. And 
Antelmius has taken some pains in confuting him, 
shewing that the supposed works of Vigilius are none 
of his ', and that if they were, yet no certain argument 
could be drawn from thence to make Vigilius author of 
the Creed, since it is a common thing for tracts of 
several authors, especially if they relate to the same 
subject, to be tacked to each other. 

The second manuscript is one that was found an- 
nexed to the ** Fragments of Hilary of Poictiers';" 

4 ** Absoluta Dissertationum nostrarum editione, inveni Codicem 
Tnuaneum, in quo Dialogus Vigilii Tapsensis adversus Arianos, 
Sabellianos, et Photinianos legitur, sub hoc titulo : ' Incipit Alter- 
catio Athanasii cum Hseresibus.' Post hunc Tractatum habetur 
Symbolum Nic«enum, et Formula Fidei Ariminensis Concilii, quam 
proxime sequitur Symbolum Athanasianum cum hao Epigraphe : 
* Fides dicta a Sanoto Athanasio Episcopo.' Porro, conjecturse nostra 
de autore hujus Symboli, Vigilio, non parum suffragatur, quod in 
antiquissimo codioe illigatum reperiatur Opuscule cui nomen Atha- 
nasii pariter prsefizum legitur, sed quod Vigtlii Tapseosis esse in- 
dubitatum habetur/' &c Quesnel, in Addend., p. 913. 

' Montfauc, Athan. Op., vol. ii. pp. 603, 724. 

■ '* Invenitur id similiter in Fragmentis Hilarii historicis in Cod. 


which circumstance was thought a reason for ascribing 
this Creed to Hilary. Vossius first, and after him 
many others, throw it off as a very slight argument, 
since the manuscript pretended is very modem ; nor is 
the Creed ascribed to Hilary in that manuscript, but 
only bound up with his " Fragments,*' as any other 
work might be, however little akin to them. Mont- 
faucon takes notice of this matter in few words * ; 
Tentzelius more at large ". It is sufficient for me just 
to have hinted it. 

Having now given as particular account as was need- 
ful of the more ancient Latin manuscripts of this Creed, 
I may just observe, that as to modem ones they are in- 
numerable, there being scarce any manuscript Latin 
Psalter of modem date but what has the Creed in it, 
and generally without a title. I may next subjoin 
a table of the manuscripts here recited, representing in 
one view the age, the title, the country where written, 
and the kind of Psalter wherein found : all which cir- 
cumstances will be of use to us in our following en- 
quiries. Particularly, as to the Psalters, it will be of 
moment to observe whether they be Roman or Gal- 
ilean, because from thence we may be able to discover 
in what places or countries this Creed was first re- 

veteri Part. 2, sub finem." — Felckman^ Vat, Led. Oper. Athan., 
p. 83. 

* ** Hilario nonnuUi adsoriptum voluerunt, quia nimirum in 
codice quodam exstat post HUarii Fragmenta. t^iiasi vero id non 
vulgo et in plerisque codicibus observetur, ut multa diversorum 
opera consequenter in manuscriptis describentur. Cum autem in 
ejusmodi codice post Hilariana opera, nullo prsemisso auctoris 
nomine compareat ; hinc, uti jam supra diximus, iuferendum, 
turn exaratum fuisse cum pro Athanasiano nondum vulgo habe- 
retur." — Montfauc, DioUrib., p. 723. 

^ Tentzel., Jvdic. JSrvd., pp. 2, 3, &c. 


ceived, according to their use of this or that Psalter. 
But because, perhaps, some readers may be at a loss to 
know what we mean by those different names of Eoman 
and Gallican Psalters, it may not be improper here to 
throw in a few previous instructions relating to the 
different kinds of Latin Psalters, and the names they 
have gone under. 

There are four kinds or sorts of Latin Psalters, 
which have passed under the names of Italic, Eoman, 
Gallican, and Hebraic. One of them was before Jerome's 
time ; the three last are all Jerome's, as he had a hand, 
more or less, in every one of them. I shall treat of 
them distinctly in their order as follows : — ^ 

I. The Italic Latin Psalter is of the old translation, 
or version, such as it was before Jerome's time. I shall 
not enter into the dispute whether it were one version, 
or many. The common opinion is, that there were 
several Latin versions before Jerome^, but one more 
eminent than the rest, called Italic ^ as being received 
into common use in Italy ^. However that be, it is 
become customary with such as treat of this subject to 
speak of all that w£is extant before Jerome as of one 
version, under the name of Fetus Vulgata, or Veraio 

T *i Qui enim Scripturas ex Hebrsea Lingua in Linguam Grsecam 
verterunt numerari possunt, Latin! autem interpretes nullo modo : 
ut enim cuiaue primis Fidei temporibus in manus venit Codex 
GrsBCUs et aJiquantuIum facultatis sibi utriusque lingua habere 
yidebatur, au8U8 est interpretari."— August., de Docir, Christian.^ 
lib. ii. c. 11, vol. iii. p. 25. 

* '* In ipsis autem interpretationibus Itala csBteris prseferatur : 
nam est verborum teuacior cum perspicuitate seutentise. ' — August., 
lb., c. 15, p. 27. 

f " JScclesia Latina a prinoipio, vel ferme a principio, usa est yer« 
slone Latina Testament! Vet. ex Grseca rSav 6 translatione &cta, 
qiue Itala Tulgo dicebatur, quoniam in Italia prius usitata in alias 
inde Latinorum Ecclesias recipiebatur." — ^Hodius, de Biblior, Text, 
Origin., lib. iii pars 2, c. 1, p. 342. 


Halica. There are entire Psalters of this old version, 
printed and manuscript ", though now nowhere in use 
in Divine offices, except such parcels of it as, having 
been anciently taken into the Eoman missals, or other 
old Liturgies, remain there still, the people being ac- 
customed to them, and there being no great necessity 
for changing them ; but all the entire Psalters in use 
are of another kind. Martianay, in his edition of 
Jerome's works, once intended to give us an entire and 
correct Psalter (with some other of the sacred books) of 
the old Italic version ; but the various lections were so 
many and so different, that the work appeared too 
laborious aad difficult, for which reason he then laid it 
aside*. This version, or versions, is what all the 
Latins used before Jerome, and many also after him, the 
Africans especially, down to the sixth century at least, 
or beginning of the seventh. 

2. The Roman Psalter is not very different from the 
old Italic. It is nothing else but that old version, 
cursorily and in part corrected by Jerome in the time 
of Pope Damasus, a.d. 383. It has had the name of 
Homan, because the use of it began the soonest and 
continued the longest in the Roman offices. It ob- 
tained in Gaul near as soon as at Rome, but was 
laid aside in the sixth century, when Gregory of 

* Le Long, Bibl. Sacr.t vol. i. p. 243. 

* *' Appendicem Sttcrorum aliquot voluminum, juxta Veterem 
Vulgatam usu receptam ante Ilieronymum, hoc loco edendam sta- 
tueramus : sed quum operi manus jamjam accederet, tantam inter 
MSS. Codices hujus versionis Latlnse deprehendimus dissonantiam, 
ut impossibile esset vel solas variantes borum codicum lectiones 
adnotasse nisi maximo temporis intervallo. Quare ne in sequentem 
annum diflferretur editio hujus DivinaB Bibliothecss, Appendicem 
prsediotam latiori operi, ac majori otio reservavimus." — Martian., 
iVol. ad Hieronym.f vol. i. p. 1419. 


86 ANCiEirr latin manttsckipts of 

Tours ^ introduced the other Psalter, since called Gal- 
ilean. The Roman Psalter, however, still obtained at 
Borne till the time of Pope Pius V.®, and it is still 
U8c»d in the Vatican church, and some few churches 

3. The Gallican Psalter is Jerome's more correct 
Latin translation made from Origen's Sexaplar\ or 
most correct edition of the Greek Septuagint, filled up, 
•where the Greek was supposed faulty, from the He- 
brew, distinguished with obelisks and asterisks, denot- 
ing the common Greek version in those places to be 
either redundant or deficient. Many of the old manu- 
scripts* still retain those marks; but more have left 
them out, I suppose, to save trouble. This more 
correct Psalter was drawn up by Jerome in the year 
389, and obtained first in Gaul about the year 580, or, 
however, not later than 595 ; from which circumstance 
it came to have the name of Gallican, in contradistinc- 
tion to the Roman. From Gaul, or France, it passed 
over into England before the year 597, and into Ger- 

b *' Psalmos antem cum secundum LXX. interpretes Romani ad- 
hue habeant ; Galli et Germanorum aliqui secundum emendatio- 
nem quam Hieronymus Pater de LXX. Editione composuit, Psal- 
terium cantant : Quam Greg'orius, Turonensis Episcopus, a patiibus 
Bomanis mutuatam, in Galliarum dicitur Ecclesias transtuusse." — 
Walafrid. Strab. de Reb. Eccles., c. 25, p. 196 (p. 690). 

c Bona, de Rebus Liturg., lib. ii. c. 3, p. 506. Hodiui«, lib. iii. 
pars 2, c. 4, p. 383. Mabill., de Curs. Oallic,, p. 398. 

«* Hieron., Epist. ad Sunn, et Frelef,, in vol. ii. p. 627. 

• The Ck>tton Manuscript of 703, and the Bonnet of 883, Lam- 
beth of 957, Lord Oxford's of 970, and Bruno's own manuscript of 
1033, boRides many more in France, England, and other coun- 
tries. " Quanta porro fuerit diligentia nostratium in describendo 
hocce Psalterio, cum asteriscis et obelis, non aliunde testatum 
volumus quam ex infinita copia Codicum MSS. qui cum taUbus dis- 
tinotionibuR supersunt usque hodie in Gfillicanis Bibliotheois." — 
Martian., Hieronym. Op., vol. i. Fwlegom. ii. c. 5. 


many, and Spain, and other countries. The popes of 
Eome, though they themselves used the other Psalter, 
yet patiently connived at the use of this in the Western 
Churches and even in Italy, and sometimes privately 
authorized the use of it in churches and monasteries ', 
till at length it was publicly authorized in the Council 
of Trent, and introduced a while after into Borne itself 
by Pius V. It was admitted in Britain and Ireland 
before the coming of Augustine the Monk, and pre- 
vailed after, except in the church of Canterbury*, 
which was more immediately under the Archbishop's 
eye, and more conformable to the Eoman ofi&ces than 
other parts of the kingdom. It has been said^ that 
this very Galilean Psalter is what we still retain in our 
liturgy, called the reading Psalms, in contradistinction 
to the other Psalms in our Bibles of the new transla- 
tion. But this is not strictly true : for the old trans- 
lation, though it be taken in a great measure from the 
Galilean, has yet many corrections from the Hebrew, 
(where they were thought wanting,) first by Coverdale 
in 1535, and by Coverdale again, 1539, and, last of all, 
by Tonstall and Heath in 1541 ; according to which 

' ''Anno 1369, Urbani V. autoritate Sancitum, ut Cassinenses 
Psalteiio Gfdlicano uterentur." — Montfauc, Diar, Ital., p. 881. 
P. Adrian, long before, had recommended the Gallican Psalter to 
the Church of Bremen. See below in o. yi., and Buna, de Rebits 
Liturg., p. 606. 

f ''Ante adventum Augfustini Monaohi, primi Archiepisoopi 
Cantuariensis, in Angliam, i.e. ante annum 597, Ecclesisd Britan- 
nicsB et HibemicsB Ps^terium Grallicanum reoeperant. Augustinus 
hue a Gregorio M. missus Bomanum secum advexit, et Kcclesiad 
suae Cantuariensi tradidit. Sed loco illius invaluit tandem, per 
omnes Ecclesias Anglicas, usus Gallicani." — Uodius, lib. iii. pars 
2, c. 4, p. 384. 

^ "Hodienum in liturgia Ecclesise Anglicanad retinetur editio 
Gallicana: at versio ilia qusa habetur in Biblionmi voluminibus, 
qu»que pro authentica agnosoitur, ex Hebneo est." — Ibid. 


edition is the Psalter now used in our liturgy, as I 
have learned by comparing: and it had been before 
taken notice of by Durell K But this in passing. 

4. The Hebraic Latin Psalter means Jerome's own 
translation, immediately from the Hebrew, made in the 
year 391. This, though otherwise of great esteem, 
was never used in the public Church offices K There 
are but few copies of it in comparison, because this 
Psalter, as before hinted, having never been in com- 
mon use like the Eoman and Gallican, has been con- 
fined to a few hands. We are not to expect an 
Athanasian Creed in this Psalter, as not being intended 
for the use of the choir, neither are we to expect to 
meet with it in the Italic Psalters, which are few, and 
which were grown, or growing out of use before the 
Athanasian Creed was brought into the public offices. 
Eut in the Eoman and Gallican Psalters we may find 
it; and it will be of moment to observe in which of 
them it is found. Indeed, some manuscript Psalters 
there are which have the Eoman and Gallican together 
in opposite columns, the Gbllican always set firsts 
Others have the Hebraic and Gallican set column- wise, 
as the former, and some have all the three versions of 
Jerome placed in the like order. Dr. Hody informs 
us of two such manuscripts, to which may be added 

* Durell, EccUi. Anglican. Vindic, c. 27, p. 806. 

^ ''Tertium est de Hebreeo ia Latinum quod leronymus trans* 
tulit de Hebraeo in Latinum. Sed non est in usu Ecclesiee, sed viri 
studii literati et sapientes eo utuntur." — Roger Bacon, apud Ho- 
dium, 1. c. 

" Hsec autem (versio ex Hebrso) ideo recepta non fuit, quia dusB 
priores, quotidiano usu in Kcclesiis frequentatae, sine magna divini 
officii perturbatione non poterant abrogari." — Bona, de Reims Li- 
iurg., lib. ii. c. 3, p. 506 ; c£ Uodium, p. 385. 

' Hodius, L o. 


a third, now in Trinity College in Cambridge, which has 
the Athana8ian Creed with Bmno's comment in it, as 
intimated above. Another such triple Psalter there is 
in St. John's College of the same University, as before 
hinted ; and in my Lord Oxford's library is a fine old 
Latin Bible, where the Psalms appear under all the three 
versions. Nay, some manuscripts have the Greek also 
with the other, making a fourth column: an account 
of this last sort may be seen both in Dr. Hody and Le 
Long". These double, triple, or quadruple Psalters 
came not in, I presume, before the end of the tenth 
century or beginning of the eleventh ; for Bemo Augi- 
ensis of that time acquaints us with the occasion and 
use of them, and how they came to be so contrived ■. 
"When the Koman way of singing, first adapted to the 
Eoman Psalter, had been introduced into France and 
Germany (which was first done in the eighth century), 
in process of time it bred some confusion in the two 
Psalters, mixing and blending them one with the other, 
that it was difficult to distinguish which words be- 
longed to this, and which to that. To remedy this 

"» Le Long, Bibl. Sctcr., vol. i. p. 244 

° ''Inter csetera, ex emendata LXX. interpretum translatione 
Pdalterium ex Grseco in Latinum vertit (Hieronjmus) illudque can- 
tandum omnibus GsJlise, ac quibusdam Germanise Ecclesiis tradidit. 
£t ob hoc Gallicanum Psalterium appellavit, Komanis adhuc ex 
corrupta vulgata editione Psalterium canentibus : ex qua Romani 
cantum composuerunt, nobisque usum cantandi contradidenmt. 
Unde accidit quod verba, quas in diurnis vel noctumis officiis ca- 
nendi more modulantur, intermisceantur, et confuse nostris Psalmis 
inserantur ; ut a minus peritis baud facile possit discern! quid nos- 
trse, vel Eomanee conveniat editioni. Quod pius pater ac peritus 
magister intuens, tres editiones in uno volumine composuit: et 
Gallicanum Psalterium, quod nos canimus, ordinavit in una columna ; 
in altera Komanum, in tertia Hebrseum." — Bemo Augiens. Epist. 
inedit., apud Mabill., de Curs. Gallic. , § 21, p. 396. Hodius, de 
Biblior. Text. Origin., p. 382. 



inconvenience, a way was found ont to have both the 
Psalters distinctly represented to the eye together, in 
two several columns, and thus came in the kind of 
Psalters before mentioned. We easily see why the 
Gallican used to be set in the first column, namely, be- 
cause those Psalters were contrived by the French and 
Germans, who made use of the Gallican, and so gave 
the preference to their own. If I have detained my 
reader a little too long in this digression about the 
Psalters I hope the usefulness of the subject may make 
him some amends and be a just apology for it. I now 
return to our Creed, and what more immediately be- 
longs to it; closing this chapter, as I promised, with 
a table, representing a summary or short sketch of what 
hath been done in it. 





Bp. Usher's. 






Cotton 1. 


Ciolbert 1. 


St. Germans. 




Regius, Paris. 


Benet Coll. Cant. I. 


Colbert 2. 


Benet C. 2. 


St. James's 1. 




Harleian 1. 


Cotton 2. 


Norfolk 1. 


Benet C. 3. 


Cotton 3. 






Harleian 2. 


Norfolk 2. 


St. James's 2. 


Friars Minors. 















Titles of the Oreed. 

Fides Catholica. 

Fides Sancti Athanasii Alexandrini. 

Fides Sancti Athanasii Episcopi. 

Fides Sancti Athanasii Episcopi Alexandrini. 

Fides Sancti Anasthasii Episcopi. 

Fides Athanasii. 

Fides Catholica. 

Hymnus Athanasii. 

Fides Catholica S. Athanasii Episcopi. 

Fides Catholica Athanasii Alexandrini Episcopi. 

Fides Catholica Athanasii Episcopi Alexandrini. 

Fides Catholica Athanasii Alexandrini. 

Fides Catholica. 

Fides Catholica edita ab Athanasio, &c. 

Fides Anastasii Episcopi. 

Fides Catholica. 

Fides Catholica. 

Canticum Bonefacii. [Rome. 

Ce Chant fust St. Anaistaise qui Apostoilles de 

Anastasii Exposltio Symbol! Apostolorum. 


ANCTBirr Veesions, Peented ob Manttsceipt. 

Some account of the ancient versions of the Athana- 
sian Creed may be of use to shew when and where it 
has been receired, and what value hath been set upon 
it, at several times and in several countries. I shall 
note the time in the margin when the first version into 
any language appears to have been made ; and I shall 
rank the versions of the several countries according 
to the chronological order of those first versions re- 

"Fresck Vbesions. 

A.D. 850. Under the name of French versions I com- 
prehend all versions made at any time into the vulgar 
language then current in France, whatever other name 
some may please to give them. I beg leave also to 
comprehend under the same name all oral versions de- 
livered by word of mouth, as well as writteu ones; 
otherwise I am sensible that I ought not to have begun 
with French versions. I do not know that the Gauls, 
or French, had any written standing version of this 
Creed so early as 850, or for several centuries after. 
Their oldest versions of the Psalter are scarce earlier 
than the eleventh century % and of the entire Scripture 

» See Le Long, BibL Sacr,, vol. i. p. 313, &o. 


92 ANCTEirr versions of 

scarce so early as the twelfth ; and we are not to expect 
a written version of the Athanasian Creed more ancient 
than of their Psalter. But what I mean by setting the 
French versions so high as I here do, is, that the 
Athanasian Creed was, as early as is here said, inter- 
preted out of Latin into the vulgar tongue for the use 
of the people by the clergy of France in their verbal 
instructions. This is the same thing, in effect, with 
a written standing version, as supplying the place of it, 
and is as full a proof of the general reception of the 
Creed at that time as the other would be. Now that 
the Athanasian Creed was thus interpreted into the 
vulgar tongue in France as early as the year 850, or 
earlier, I prove from the words of Hincmar, above 
cited ^, giving orders to the clergy of his province to be 
able to express this Creed commumhus verbis, that is, in 
their vulgar or mother tongue. What that mixed kind 
of language which they then used should be called is of 
no great moment to our present purpose to enquire. 
Some perhaps, with Vitus Amerbachius and Bishop 
Usher*', will call it Teutonic, or German, because 
Franks and Germans, being originally the same, spake 
the same language. But I see no consequence that 
because Franks and Germans used the same language, 
therefore Franks and Gauls, mixed together, must still 
keep the same, any more than that a mixed nation of 
Normans and Saxons must all agree either in Norman 
or Saxon. One would rather expect in such a mixed 
people a mixed language too, as usually happens in 
such cases. As to France in particular at that time, 
Mr. Wharton has plainly shewn that the language there 

*» See above^ p. 28. « Usher, Hittor. Dogmat., p. 111. 


spoken was very widely different from the Teutonic or 

The Concordate between the two brothers, Lewis and 
Charles, at Strasburgh, puts the matter out of dispute, 
where one expressed himself in the Teutonic, the other 
in the language then current in France, called Eoman- 
ensis, or Eustica Eomana, corrupt Boman, or Latin '^f 
nearer to the Latin than to the German, but a confused 
mixture of both. Such was the language then vulgarly 
spoken in France, as appears from the specimen of it 
given by "Wharton from Nithardus. And this, I pre- 
sume, is the language into which our Creed was inter- 
preted in Hincmar's time ; for which reason I have set 
the French versions first. If any one shall contend 
that the Teutonic prevailed then in the diocese of 
Rheims, though not in the other parts of Gaul more 
remote from Germany, I shall not think it of moment 
to dispute the point, since it is not material to our 
present purpose. 

As to the French versions, properly so called, writ- 
ten standing versions, I have said that none of them 
reach higher than the eleventh century. Montfaucon 
gives us one, though imperfect, 600 years old • ; that is, 
of the eleventh century, and very near the end of it, 
about 1098, 600 years before the time of his writing; 
and this is the oldest that I have anywhere found men- 
tioned. Next to which, perhaps, we may reckon that in 
Trinity College, in Cambridge ; I mean the interlinear 
version, which Mr. "Wanley' calls Normanno-Gallican, 

^ Wharton, Auctar. Hittor. DoanuU., p. 344. 
« Montfieiuoon, Diatrib., pp. 721, 727, and 733, where it is quoted 
at length. 
' Wanley, CalaL MSS. Si^tnUr., p. 163. 



about 580 years old. And next to that the Norfolk 
manuscript (No, 230), before mentioned, about the 
same age with the other ; and Mr. "Wanley informed 
me of two more in my Lord Oxford's library. There 
is one in the Cotton Library (Nero, C. 4) above 600 
years old, according to Mr. Wharton ». Montfaucon 
gives us another above 400 years old \ But it is need- 
less, and foreign to my purpose, to number up all the 
versions : the first in its kind is what will be chiefly 
serviceable to our following enquiries. 

German Veesions. 

870. As to written and standing versions, the Ger- 
man, so far as we find any records, ought to have the 
first place. There is in the Emperor's library at 
Vienna* a German, or Teutonic, version of this Creed, 
made by Otfridus, monk of Weissenberg, in the ninth 
century : the manuscript, as Lambecius assures us, is 
coeval with the author. There have been several later 
German versions, a brief account of which may be seen 
in Lambecius^, Tentzelius^ and Le Long", but more 
particularly in Tentzelius. It is sufficient to my pur- 
pose to have taken notice of the first and most con- 
siderable in its kind. 

Anglo-Saxon Veesions. 

930. There have been Anglo-Saxon versions of this 
Creed as early as the time of King Athelstan, as ap- 
pears from the manuscript of the Royal Library, with 

K Wharton, Atictar, HUtor. DogmcU.f p,390. 

^ Montfaaoon, Diatrib., p. 722. 

> Lambec, Catal. Bihlioth. Vindobon,, lib. ii. o. 6, pp. 460, 768. 

>« lbid.,c. 8, p. 763. 

* TentzeL, Judic. Ervd., Pr»f. and p. 226. 

Le Long, Eihl Sacr,f voL i. p. 37 



an interliiiear TeTsion, noted above, and which I place 
in 930. The Lambeth manuscript of 957 has also an 
interlinear Saxon version, both which manuscripts con- 
firm the account given of an Anglo-Saxon copy of this 
Creed, printed from a Latin manuscript, interlined with 
Saxon, out of the church of Salisbury. The version 
itself seems to have been made about the middle of the 
tenth century, or about 950, which suits very well with 
the age of the manuscripts before mentioned. Only 
this we may expect, that the Saxon copies of those 
manuscripts will be found much more correct than the 
Sarum copy (and so I find that of Lambeth is, having 
a copy of it by me, which I owe to the civility of the 
very learned Dr. "Wilkins), being written at a time 
when the Saxon language was less corrupted, and re- 
tained more of its primitive purity ; whereas the Sarum 
copy was written **, as is conjectured, after both Dimes 
and Normans had much altered the language. I before 
observed that the title in Dr. Wotton's copy is Rymnm 
Athanasii, as in St. James's copy ; and there is some- 
thing farther worth the noting, which is the Rubric 
following the title, directing the Creed to be sung 
alternately®, which confirms the account given by 

> " Versionein istam oiroiter medium deoimi s»ouli esse factam 
ipsius sermonis cum puritate (ubi non halluoinatur interpres) con- 
juncta proprietas ostendit. Reoentius vero descriptam f uisso, sub 
Nortmaunorum in Angliam Adventum, non tantum librarii lin- 
gusB Saxonic® baud gnari reoentior manus in qua ezaratur, sed 
pravum illud Anglo-Danicum, vel foruan Anglo-Nortmannioum, 
scribendi genus demonstrat." — Wotton, Not. ad Brtvtm Consptct. 
Operis JUckesiani, p. 75. 

* Hymnus Atkaiiasiif de Fide Trinitatis. 

* ''Quern tu concelebrans, disoutienter intellege. Inoipit de fide," 
On whicb Dr. Wotton makes this note : — 

* " Ita MS. Hoc est, Quern tu antiphonatim, vel altematim psal- 
lens, animo percipe." — ^p. 77. 

96 urcimiT tkbsiofs of 

Abbo Floriacensis P of the custom of the Grallican and 
EDglish Churches in that age. Eut to proceed. Erom 
the time we have had any version of this Creed into 
our country language, we may reasonably conclude that 
such versions have varied by little and little in every 
age, in proportion to the gradual alteration in our lan- 
guage, till at length the version became such as it 
stands at this day. Such as are desirous of having 
a specimen of the Creed in very old English verse may 
find one in Dr. Hickes's Thesaurus •> ; and they may see 
a good part of a prose version in old English (though 
considerably later than the other) in "Wickliflfs Com- 
ment, before mentioned ; or an entire version into the 
English of that time in a manuscript of Pepys's Library, 
BOW belonging to our college. No. 2498, p. 368. I may 
here note, that all our Saxon and English versions down 
to the time of the Eeformation, or to the year 1548, 
were from the Latin only, and not from any Greek 
copy ; and after that time, upon the return of Popery, 
the old version from the Latin came again into use for 
a while, as appears by the Primer set forth by Cardinal 
Pole in Queen Mary's days, a.d. 1555. But these and 
the like observations are out of the compass of my de- 
sign, and so I pass on. 


I have before intimated that this Creed was origi- 
nally Latin, and therefore the Greek copies can be no 
more than versions; and they appear to be very late 
also, in comparison to the former. However, since the 

V See abore. p. 81. 

1 Hickes, rAeiaitr. Linguar. Septenir,, voL i. p. 228. 


Greek is one of the learned languages, since the Creed 
has been ascribed to a Greek author, and has been also 
supposed by many to have been written in Greek, it 
will therefore be proper to give as particular and as 
distinct account as is possible of the Greek version or 
versions. Our enquiries here will lie within a little 
compass, for the Greek copies are neither many nor 
ancient. Montfaucon, a very diligent searcher into 
these matters, frankly professes that he had never seen 
any Greek copy of this Creed so old as 300 years, nor 
ever heard of any that was ancient '. He scruples not 
to say farther, that there had not been yet seen any 
Greek record, of certain and undoubted credit, whereby 
to prove that this Creed had been known to the Greek 
Church for more than 500 years upwards ■. He speaks 
only of Greek records; as to Latin ones, they afford 
sufficient proof that this Creed was pleaded against the 
Greeks in the dispute about the Procession, in the 
eighth or ninth century at latest, and therefore must 
have been in some measure known to them. The 
Greeks and Latins had some dispute on that head in the 
Synod of Gentilly, not far from Paris, in the year 767, 
under King Pepin. But perhaps this Creed was not 

' '*Sane nullum vidimus Grsocum hnjus Symboli Codicem qui 
trecentorum sit annorum ; neo antiquum alium a quopiam visum 
fuisse noyimus." — Montfaucon, Diatrib., p. 727. 

■ "Adjioere non pigeat non visum hactenus fuisse Grsecorum 
quodpiam monumentum (oertum scilicet ao indubitatum) quo ab 
annis plus quingentis notum fclcclesise Greecse fuisse Symbolum, Qui- 
ounque, possit comprobari." — lb., p. 721. 

To the same purpose speaks Combefis of this Creed : — 

" Vix enim extat preeterquam in recentiorum collectaneis, libris* 
que eorum polemicis, quibus ipsum vel impugnant, vel etiam de- 
rendunt ; idque volunt illi qui aiunt non haben in GrsBCorum libris ; 
non enim sic stupidi videntur ut negent Grseoe haberi." — Combe£, 
jyot. ad Man. uaUc, p. 297. 

98 UrCZEHT TZB8I0V8 07 

pleaded at th^ time ; at least it does not appear that 
it was. 

It cannot be doubted but that the Ghrceks had heard 
something of this Creed from the Latins as early as the 
days of Batram and ^neas Parisiensis, that is, above 
850 years ago, when the dispute about the procession 
between the Greeks and Latins was on foot; this the 
testimonies above cited plainly shew. But this is not 
enough to prove that the Greek Church had yet any 
Talue for this Creed, or that there was then extant any 
•Greek copy of it. 

1200. Nicolaus Hydruntinus, cited above, who flou- 
Tished under Alexius lY., Emperor of the East, and 
Pope Innocent III., that is, in round numbers about 
1200, gives us the first notice of this Creed being ex- 
tant in Greek in his time. He observes, that the 
Article of the Procession from the Son was not in the 
Greek copy of this Creed, as neither in the Mcene, 
blaming the Latins, as I apprehend, for interpolating 
both. The censure was jast with respect to the Mcene 
Creed, but not with respect to the Athanasian, which 
certainly never wanted that Article, as is plain from 
the agreement of the Latin copies, and the earliest of 
them, those of a thousand years date, which I remark by 
the way. As to our present purpose, this is certain, that 
some time before Nicolaus of Otranto wrote, the Creed 
had been translated into Greek by a Greek, or at least 
by one that took part with the Greeks in the question 
about the Procession. It can hardly be imagined that 
Nicolaus hud translated it himself, and that he appealed 
to his own version. There must have been a version 
before, undoubtedly ; and one can scarce suppose less 


than fifty or one hundred years before, since both 
the time and author of it were forgotten, and this 
Greek yersion passed with Nicolaus for Athanasius's 
original. Manuel Caleca*, who wrote about the year 
1360, intimates that there had been Greek copies long 
before his time, and that the most ancient of all had 
the Article of the Procession from the Son, and that t)ie 
older Greeks who wrote against the Latins did not pre- 
tend to strike out that Article, as those did that came 
after. Could we depend upon this report we miglit 
then be certain that the Greek copies of the time of 
Nicolaus Hydruntinus, were late in comparison, and 
that there had been other Greek copies much more 
ancient. But this I leave to the consideration of the 
learned. However this fact be, one thing is certain, 
that the oldest Greek copy could be only a version, 
whether sooner or later. 

As to Greek copies now extant in manuscript, they 
are but few and modern. I may here give a short 
account of them, of as many as I have hitherto found 
mentioned in books or catalogues of manuscripts. 

1. There is one in the Emperor's Library at Vienna, 
said to be in paper, ancient, and of good value"*. These 

t ''Testantur autem hano ipsam fidei oonfessionem sancti viri 
(Athanasii) esse, atque id dictum ita se habere, qui contra Latinos 
xnulto ante scripserunt ; quam sibi ut adverse m irustra labefaotare 
nituntur. Atque. ut iatelligi datur, tunc quidem adhu'c servaba- 
tur ; postmodum vero pertlnaoiores ad contradicendum faoti, om« 
nino illam auferre voluerunt : etsi modo nihilominut ouriose inqui- 
rentibus raro, licet in vetustissimis codicibus, ita habere invenitur." 
—Man. Calec., contr. OrceCf lib. ii. ; in Bibl. Max. PP., vol. xxvi. 
p. 414. 

* " CCXLY. Codex MS. Theologicus Grsecus est Chartaoeus, aLti- 
qaus. et b >U8b notes in 4to., constatqae foliis 341. 

** Continentur eo Hsec. 

" Primo, &c. 


word* are too general to fix any certain date upon. 
One may guess from the paper, that the manuscript is 
not very ancient, since paper came not into frequent or 
common use before the thirteenth century. But not to 
insist upon a disputable argument (since cotton paper, 
though not common, was however sometimes used as 
early as the tenth century), one may judge more cer- 
tainly from what is written in the same volume, and, 
I suppose, in the same hand (for Nessclius makes no 
distinction), that the copy of the Creed is not earlier 
than the middle of the fourteenth century. Maximus 
Planudes makes a part of the manuscript : he flourished 
about the year 1340. 

2. There is another Greek manuscript of this Creed 
^ in the same library, a paper one too, and said to be 
pretty ancient, by Nesselius, who gives account of it ", 
From the mention therein made of the Creed's being 
presented to Pope Julius, I should be apt to conclude 
that the manuscript is not earlier, nor copied from any 
earlier, than Manuel Caleca*8 time, or the fourteenth 
century ; but there are other marks, particularly some 
pieces of Julianus Cardinalis, which demonstrate thut 

" Ildo et quidem a fol. 77, ad fol. 79 : 8. Atbanasii Archi- 
eplioopl Alexandrini Symbolum Fidei, cujus titulus et principium. 
Tod hylov *ABapa(rlou rod fxrydXov, "Otrris S' ^i^ $o6\7iTai awdrjvai, 
irph irdvroiP xph Kparuv wltrriv" &c. — Nessel., Caial,, voL i. p. 344. 

▼ ** OXOmuB Codex MS est Chartaoeus, mediooriter anti- 

quuB, et bonsB noteo, in 4to. Constatque nunc foliis 832, et ad 
johannem Sambuoum — olim pertinuit. Continentur eo Hobo. 
I. prlmo," &o. 

^* XVIII. Rt quidem a fol. 808, ad fol. 804. 8. Atbanasii magni, 
Arohiepiacopi Alexandrini, Confessio Catholioa Fidel, ad S. Julium 
Poutiflcom Roroanum ; oiyua et titulus et principium Tov 4v ayiois 
irarpbs iifi&v ^AOauaalou rov fi^ydKov *OfiO\oy(a rris KaOoKtKrjs 
frlffi f MS V IfSwicff irpbs *lo6Kioy Tldirai> *?(lifiii5. T^ d4\oin'i ffMd^vcu," 
fto.— NoMol., CataL, vol i. p. 281. 


the manuscript cannot be much older than tho niiddlo 
of the fifteenth century. 

3. Felckman had a manuscript copy of this Crood in 
Oreek, without any title to it> or any author named *. 
I can say notliing to the age of it, for want of further 

4. Felckman had another manuscript out of tlio 
Palatine Library (which library is since transferred 
partly to the Vatican, the rest to Munich, &o.), with 
a title to it, <rvfi^oXoy rov ^tov 'A^yacriov, St** Athana- 
sius^s Creeds. The title alone is a sufficient argument 
of its being modem to any that consider what were the 
more usual and ancient titles rcpresente<i above. It is 
to be noted, that those two manuscript copies are so 
nearly the same, that they make but one copy in print, 
which has been inserted in all tho editions of Athana- 
sius's works after Folckman's, as well as in his, and 
makes the fifth in Gundlingius *, who gives us six 
Greek copies of this Creed. It is observable that this 
copy owns not tho Procession from tho Son; from 
whence we may infer that it was not mudo by the 
Latins, or, however, not by any who wore not friends 
to the Greeks. 

« " Extat hoc Symbolum in nostro Codioe II. ftnonymo, lod 
absque titulo et nomine authoris ; unde ot sio odituin."— i<\)lckcnAn, 
Var. LecU in Athan., p. 83. 

"Incipit ; tt ris 04\ti trtaOTjpai, irph wdmvtf XP^ ai»T^ tV icaOoAi- 
icV tparriffai iriffriv,** &c. 

J '* Invoniraus id ipsum etiam post in oodioo quodnm PolAtinn 
Bibliotbecae, expresse Athanasio niscriptum (licot id reoontioreM 
Graeci nolint, ut videre est ex opistula Molctii ConsUntiiiopolitani 
Patriarohee ad Douzam) ex quo etiam di«oropantiaH quiutdam no- 

" Incipit ; ft rif OiX^i aaoOrivait wph wdvrwv XP*^^ iarlif Ua tV 
KaOoXiK^iy Kpar^iorf} iriariv" Ac. — Felckman, ib, 

* Gundling., rwt, ad Zialowik., p. 76. 



5. Lazarus Baifius's copy ', which he had from 
Venice in the time of Francis I., in the year 1 533, was 
puhlished hy Genebrard, in the year 1569. This copy 
probably was contrived by a Latin (having the Proces- 
sion from the Son in it), or, at least, by some honest 
Greek who would not vary from the original. I con- 
clude this Greek copy to be modem, from the title, for 
a reason before hinted. 

6. There was another manuscript copy^ of this 
Creed, which Nicolaus Bryling first printed at Basil, 
and afterwards H. Stevens in France, in the year 1565. 
This also must, in all probability, be very modern, 
because of avfifidkou in the title. It acknowledges the 
Procession from the Son, conformable to the original. 

7. In the Eoyal Library at Paris (No. 2502) there 
is another manuscript Greek copy of this Creed ^, writ- 
ten in the year 1562, published by Genebrard, 1569, 
and said by him to belong to the Church of Constan- 
tinople. This was taken from an older manuscript, 

■ '*Titulu8 : "EkBcvis 6fio\oyias rijs KoBoXiKris tricrfcos rov fxcyd- 
\ou *A$avjalov irarpidpxov *A\c^au^pfla5 irphs *lov\iov Udnuy, 

*' Incipit. "Oarts tiv fiodKrjrai fftodriyai, nph vdvrap XP^ Kparetp 
r^v KaBoXiK^v irio-Tii/."— Genebrard, p. 3. 

b "Titulus: 'S,{)iifio\ovrov aylov*ABava(jlov, 
" Inoipit : "Octis /SotJAeroi (rcoOrjvatf* Ac— Grenebrard, 1. c 

c " De GraBois autem oodicibus pauca suppetunt dicenda, cum 
unum tantum nobis inspicere licuerit, sell. Reg. 2502. In quo 
extat Symbolum superiore sseoulo exaratum.*' — Montf., Diutrib.^ 
p. Tl% 

*^ Secunda, quam eiimus formula, jam olim public! juris facta 
per Genebrardum anno 1569, quam ait ille esse Ecclesise Con- 
stantinopolitansB, extat in Regio Codice Num. 2502, olim ex Bib- 
liotbeca Johannis Huralti Bolstallerii aCarolo IX. Venetias legati : 
in quo Codice hsec leguntur, ante Dialogum S. Athanasii cum Ario. 
.... Transcriptus et recognitus liber hie est, ex vetustissimo ex- 
emplari Cretiuo ; Venetiis an. 1562, impensa facta aureorum X. 
Zacharias Sacerdos transcripsit et habuit." — Montf., Diairib,, 
p. 727. 



but how much older cannot certainly be known**. 
One may imagine from the title ', and beginning of 
it, that the form is the same with one of those in 
the Emperor's Library, and that they were copied one 
from the other, or both from a third copy. This ma- 
nuscript acknowledges the Procession from the Son. 
I had understood, from Mountfaucon's general way of 
expression, that Genebrard had published his copy 
from this very manuscript of the Royal Library (No. 
2502). But observing that Genebrard's wants some 
words (^didios 6 irarripf dtdios 6 vios, dtdiov to Trvcv/ia to 
Syiov) which Mountfaucon's copy has, I conclude that 
he meant only the same form, as to matter and words, 
for the most part, not the same manuscript. 

8. There is another manuscript Greek version, or 
rather paraphrase of this Creed, having several inter- 
polations, published by Bishop Usher, in 1647, from 
a copy sent him by Patrick Young. It has been often 
since printed : in the Councils, in Gundling, and in 

It leaves out the Article of Procession from the Son ; 
from whence we may judge that it was composed by 
a Greek, or Grecizing Latin. The title insinuates that 
the Creed was drawn up in the Nicene Council^, an 

*i " Incertum autem utrum ex illo quod memorat vettutissimo 
ezemplari, Symbolum etiam sit mutuatus ; Codex quippe amplae 
molis multa et varia complectitur, quee dubitare licec ex unone 
Codice exscripta fuerint, an ex compluribus." — Mont£, t6. 

• " Titulus : Tow 4if ayiois Harphs rificov 'AOayaaiov rod /xeydKov 
*Ofio\oyia r^s KadoKiicris nloretos V ^8»k€ irpbs *lo^\iov Udwaj/ 

*' Incipit : T^ e4\ovTi awBriyai,** &o.— Montf., p. 729. 

' *Ek rrjs aylas koX olKovfAevunjs rijs iv "Sikuk^, vepl vlirrcws 
Karh, ffvvTO/jLiap, Kot -rus Sc* irio-TeiJetv rhy iXtiOrj XP^^''^^^^'^- — 
Usher, de Symb,, p. 33 (26). 


opinion entertained by Job an. Cyparissiota, about the 
year 1360, as observed above. "When this story or 
fiction first came in I cannot pretend to determine. 
Bishop Usher speaks of a very ancient manuscript, 
partly in Irish and partly in Latin, which hints at the 
same thing : but be fixes no date to the manuscript ; 
the words, " very ancient," are too general to give sa- 
tisfaction in it. The Creed is there said to have been 
composed in the Mcene Council by Eusebius and Diony- 
sius, and a third left nameless^, as not being known. 
The author of that book of hymns must have been 
very ignorant not to know Athanasius, who was un- 
doubtedly the third man, and for whose sake (to ac- 
count for the Creed's being written in Latin) the whole 
story seems to have been contrived. By Eusebius must 
have been intended Eusebius of Verceil, in Piedmont, 
a Latin, and a great friend and intimate of Athanasius : 
by Dionysius undoubtedly is meant Dionysius, Bishop of 
Milan, of the same time and of the same principles, and 
well acquainted with Eusebius **. Had the contrivers 
of the fable laid their scene at Alexandria, where 
Athanasius and this Eusebius, with several other 
Latins, met together in the year 362, they had made 

( " In Hymnorum, partim Latino partim Hiberoico Sermone scrip- 
torum, Codice vetustissimo . . . notatum reperi, trium Episcoponim 
opera in eadem Nicaena Synodo illud fuisse compositum, Eusebii, 
et Dionysii, et nomen tertli (sio enim ibi legitur) nescimus." — 
Usher, de Symb., praef. p. 2. 

^ It seems highly probable, that the whole feible about Euse- 
bius and Dionysius was first raised out of a passage of St. Am- 
brose, which might be thought to hint some such thing. The 
words are : — 

" Itaque ut Eusebius Sanctus prior levavit vexillum confessionis, 
ita Beatus Dionysius in exilii locis, priori martyribus titulo vitam 
•xhalavit/'— Ambros., cd Vercellens., Ep. 63, vol ii. p. 1039. 


it the more plausible. But let us return to our Greek 
copies, from which we have a little digressed. 

This is observable of the Greek copies in general, 
that they differ yery widely from each other, and 
therefore cannot be copies of one and the same version. 
Possibly three or four of them may be thrown into one, 
admitting, however, many various lections ; but still 
there will be as many remaining which cannot be so 
dealt with, but must be looked upon as distiact and 
different versions. Such as desire to see all the copies 
together may find them in Gundling and Montfaucon ; 
four at large, the rest exhibited only by various lec- 
tions. I do not know whether the manuscripts of the 
Vienna Library have been collated for any of the 
printed editions : perhaps not ; I do not remember 
that I have met with any mention of them in any of 
the editors of the printed copies. 

It may be of use to set the printed editions, after 
our account of the manuscripts, in chronological order, 
as distinctly as may be, since we cannot fix the dates 
of the manuscript copies. 

1540. 1. The first printed edition was by Nicolaus 
Bryling*, a printer of Basil. My authors have been 
deficient in not setting down the date of it. I have 
endeavoured to fix the year, but have not yet been so 
happy as to come to a certainty in it. Wherefore, 
I hope, my reader will excuse it, if, rather than set no 


> "Quod olim evulgavit Basileae Nicolaus Bryling; deinde in 
Oallia an. 1565, Henricus Stephanus." — G^nebrard, in Symb, 
Athanas., p. 8. 

** Quam post Nic. Brylingium et Mioh. Neandrum, H. Stephanus 
in lucem edidit anno 1666." — Fabric, Bibl. (?ra?(?., lib. v. c. 2, 
5 88, in vol. V. p. 315. 


106 AvciEirr yebsions of 

year at all, I choose one which I know cannot be very 
much over or under, because of other pieces printed by 
the same Bryling about that time. Fabricius mentions 
Michael Neander as editor of the same copy after Bry- 
ling, and before Stephens, but what year is not said. 
Sebastian Lepusculus's '^ edition of the same was in 
1559 ^ and Stephens's in 1565. 

1569. 2. The second printed copy was taken from 
the manuscript of Lazarus Baiffius, which he received 
from Dionysius", a Greek, in the year 1533, as before 
hinted. This was first printed by Genebrard in the 
year 1569, again in 1585, and oftentimes since. This 
copy is sometimes called the Dionysian copy ; and it is 
observed by Gundling to differ from the first copy 
but in seven places, and therefore these two have been 
commonly thrown into one by the editors of both. 

1569. 3. The third copy was also first printed by 
Genebrard, at the same time with the other. It has 
gone under the name of the Constantinopolitan copy, 
because Genebrard supposed it to have been in use at 
Constantinople ". It differs considerably from both the 

^ Lepusculus, Comnend. Jotfphi OorUmidis^ p. 49. 

1 Nic. Serarius, wno wrote in the year 1590, speaking of that 
first copy printed by Bryling and Stephens, says as follows : — 

'' Quarum prima vulgata dici potest, eo quod hactenus ea sola hie 
apud nos, Germania et Gallia, typis evulgata fuerit." — Nicol. 
Serar., de Symbol Athanas. : in Opiisc. Theolog., vol. ii. p. 9. 

« *' Hoc Symbolum reperi in libro Grwco MS. de Processione 
Sniritus Sancti, quern Lazaro Baiffio Oratori Regis Francisci I. apud 
Venetos, obtulit Dionysius Graecus, Episcopus Zienensis et Fir- 
iniensis an. 1633." — Genebrard, p. 8. 

** In manus meas pervenit liber quidam Greecus, de Processione 
Spiritus Saiicti, oblatus Lazaro Bayffio claro Regis nostri Francisci I. 
apud Venetos Oratori, anno Christi 1533. Quern manu sua elegan- 
tissime pinxerut Nicolaus Sophianus patrum nostrorum sevo vir 
valde doctus." — Genebrard, p. 2 ; cf. Gimdling, p. 69. 

■ " SuperiuB Symbolum Athanaaii verbis aJiquantulum immu- 


other, and is neyer thrown into one with them, but 
kept distinct by itself. 

1600. 4. The fourth is the Commeline, or Felck- 
man's copy, from the Palatine manuscripts, often re- 
printed with Athanasius*8 works. This also stands by 
itself, as a distinct yersion. 

1647. 5. The fifth was first published by Usher, in 
the year 1647. This differs extremely from all the 
rest, having, besides many variations, and slight inser- 
tions, one very large interpolati .n. li hath been often 
reprinted since Usher's time ®. 

1671. 6. The sixth and last was first published by 
Labbe and Gossart in the second tome of Councils. 
This copy comes the nearest to the two first, and there- 
fore is sometimes thrown into one with them ; but it 
difiers from both in about forty places, according to 
Gundling*s computation. 

These are all the printed copies, which are some- 
times called four and sometimes six : four, because the 
first, second, and sixth may be tolerably thrown into 
one ; six, because they may also be kept distinct, and 
may be reckoned as so many copies at least, if not so 
many several versions. So much for the Greek ver- 
sions of our Creed. 

To the versions already mentioned may be added the 
Sclavonian, of several dialects, and, as I conceive, pretty 
ancient. But we have little or no account of them, 
only, as I shall shew in the sequel, we may be certain 
that there have been such. There are Italian, Spanish, 

tatis Constantinopolitani sio Grece legunt, et reoitant." — Gene- 
brard, p. 14. 

<* Usher, de Symholis, p. 33. 

108 AKCiEirr tzbsioks, &c. 

Irish, and "Welsh versions ; but whether any that can 
justly be called ancient I know not. Future searches 
into libraries may perhaps produce farther discoveries. 
Fabricius makes mention of an Hebrew version of late 
date, and of an Arabic one still later p: but these, or 
the like modem versions, will be of no use to us in our 
present enquiries. 

F ** Hebraice versum a Julio Marcello Romano MS. in Bibliotheca 
Yaticana memorat Imbonatus in Bibl. Latioo-Hebraica, p. 149. 
Sed omitto reoentiores versiones, ut Arabtcam a Nisselio editam 
Lu^. Bat. 1656, 4to., unaoum Cantico Cantioorum.'* — Fabric, B^l. 
Orcec^ lib. v. c. 2, § 88, in vol. v. p. 315. 

'* Georgius Nisseuus Symbolum Athanasii Arabico idiomate oum 
Cantico Canticorum iEthiopioe et Arabice edito Ludg. Bat. an. 
1656, conjunxit ... id iamen non bausit ex Codioe MS. sed ipse in 
Arabicum Sermonem transtulit." — Tentzel., p. 125. 



Of the Eeception of the Atkasaslajs Ceeed dt the 

Chbistian Ohubches. 

From the materials here laid down we may now be 
able to determine something about the reception of the 
Creed, especially in the We^^^em Churches; among 
which the Churches of France, or Gaul, ought un- 
doubtedly to be nam d first. 

France, or Gaul. 

A.D. 550. This Creed obtained in France in the time 
of Hincmar, or about 850, without all dispute. We 
may advance higher up to 772; for it was then in 
Charles the Great's Psalter, among the Hymns of the 
Church. The Cotton manuscript Psalter, with this 
Creed in it, will carry us up to 703 ; and the Canon of 
the Council of Autun to 670 ; at which time the Gallican 
clergy, at least of the Diocese of Autun, in the Province 
of Lyons, were obliged to recite this Creed, together 
with the Apostles', under pain of episcopal censure, 
which shews of how great value and esteem the Creed 
was at that time, and affords a strong presumption (as 
Quesnel and Pagi ' well argue in the case) that it had 

» ** Dubium non est quin multis ante synoduin illam Augustodu- 
nensem annis compositum esset, et jam olim per totam Eoolesiam 
celebre evasisset : nunquam enim sapientissimi antistites id com- 
miedssent, ut istam fidei formulam omnium ordinum clericis am- 
plectendam, et irreprekensibiliterf ut aiunt, recensendam, synodal! 
edicto sub condemnationis poena pneciperent ; imo et illam e re- 

110 ATxCimn SECEPnoN op 

been in use there long before. There will be some 
doubt, as I intimated above, about the supposed Canon 
of the Council of Autun, which will in some measure 
abate the force of our evidence, and of the argument 
built upon it. But as it is certain, from other evi- 
dence, that this Creed was received in the Gallican 
Churches as high as 772 or 703, so it must be owned 
that this very much confirms the supposition of the 
Council of Autun; and the concurring circiraistances 
give very great light and strength to each other. But 
what most of all confirms the foregoing evidence, and 
the reasoning upon it, is, that Venantius Fortunatus, 
a full hundred years before the Council of Autun, had 
met with this Creed in the Gallican parts, and found it 
then to be in such esteem as to deserve to be comment- 
ed upon, like the Lord's Prayer and Apostles' Creed: 
accordingly he wrote comments upon it, as well as 
upon the other. This wonderfully confirms the reason- 
ing of Quesnel and Pagi, that this Creed must have 
been in use there near a hundred years before the 
Council of Autun, that is, as high as 570, about which 
time Fortunatus flourished and wrote. And consider- 
ing that this Creed must have been for sometime grow- 
ing into repute before it could be thought worthy to 
have such honour paid it along with the Lord's Prayer 
and Apostles' Creed, I may perhaps be allowed to set 
the time of its reception in the Gallican Churches some 

gione cum Symbolo Apostolioo ponerent, nisi jam longo usu reoepta, 
approbata, et inter Uermanas Magni Athanasii lucubrationes nu- 
merata fuisset ; quod nisi post plurium annorum seriem fieri vix 
potuit."— Qiiesnei, Dissert, xiv. p. 731. 

" Qiiaro jam ante centum fere annis opus illud Athanasio attri- 
butum fuerat."— Pagi, Critic in Baron,, Ann. 340, § 6, p. 120. 
(vol. i. p. 441). 


years higher : reception of it, I mean, as an excellent 
formulary, or an acknowledged rule of faith, though not 
perhaps admitted into their sacred offices. Upon the 
whole, and upon the strength of the foregoing evidences, 
we may reasonably conclude that the reception of this 
Creed in the Gallican Churches was at least as early as 
670, understanding it of its reception into the public 
offices : but understanding it of its reception as a rule 
of faith, or an orthodox and excellent formulary and 
system of belief, it may be justly set as high as 550, 
which is but twenty years, or thereabout, before For- 
tunatus commented upon it. Le Quien scruples not to 
set it as high as 500 ^. 


630. Next to Fr6,nce we may mention her near 
neighbour Spain, which seems to have received this 
Creed very early, and within less than a hundred years 
after the time before fixed for its reception in France. 
As to the truth of the fact, it may be argued two seve- 
ral ways. 1. From the near affinity and relation be- 
tween the Spanish and Gallican offices before either 
France or Spain had received the Eoman. 2. From 
the fourth Council of Toledo, their quoting passages 
from this very Creed. 

1. As to the first argument, though a general one, it 
must appear of great weight. If the sacred offices in 
France and Spain were in those times the same, or very 
nearly so, then the reception of this Creed in France 

b <' Non nisi ex eodem Symbolo, quod jam ante reoeptum esset, 
Ayitus Viennensis . . . alicubi soribebat/' &o.— Le Quien, Dissert, 
Dasnatcen., p. 98. 


will afford a very considerable argument of its recep- 
tion in Spain also. 

Cardinal Bona is very large and diffuse in setting 
forth the agreement and harmony of the old Gallican 
offices with the Spanish in sundry particulars^; and 
he supposes this uniformity of the two Churches to 
have been as early, at least, as the days of Gregory, 
Bishop of Tours, who died in the year 595. Mabillon, 
after him, frequently asserts the same thing ^, and with 
greater assurance than Bona had done, haying met with 
new and fuller evidences to prove it, only he dates the 
agreement of the Spanish Mosarabick offices with the 
Gallican from the third and fourth Councils of Toledo®, 
the latter of which was in the year 633. Mr. Dodwell, 
speaking of the same matter, says, ** "Not does Mabillon 
himself judge it probable that the innovations attempted 
by Pope Yigilius in Spain held long, of what kind 
soever they were. All Spain was soon after united in 
one form, and that different from the Bomans, and 
agreeing with the Gallican '." It is, therefore, a plain 
case that the Gallican and Spanish offices were very 
much the same in the beginning of the seventh cen- 
tury, and so continued for some time. If, therefore, 
the Gallican Churches received the Athanasian Creed 
into their public offices before the year 670, it will ap- 
pear extremely probable that the Spanish received it 
also, and about the same time. I here make a distinc- 
tion, as I did before, between receiving the Creed as 

« Bona, de Rebus lAturg., lib. i. o. 12, p. 872. 

' Mabillon, dt Liturg, Oallican,, Pnef., §§ 2, 3 ; lib. i. o. 3, 

I 9, U. pp. 20, 28. 

• Ibid., lib. I 0. 4, §§ », V, p. 

' Dodwell, of Tnoenso, p: l90. 

i 0.4, §§8, 9, p. 80. 


a rule of faith, and receiving it into the solemn offices, 
to be recited or sung in churches. The reception of it, 
in the first sense, I onceive to have been somewhat 
earlier, in Spain as well as in France, than its recep- 
tion in the latter sense. But as different Churches in 
France had anciently different customs, so also was it 
in Spain ; and therefore it is probable that the recep- 
tion of this Creed into the public offices was in some 
Churches sooner, and in others later, according to the 
various rites, customs, and circumstances of the several 

But I proceed to the Second Article, whereby we are 
to prove the reception of this Creed in Spain. 

2. The fourth Council of Toledo cites a considerable 
part of this Creed, adopting it into their own Confes- 
sion'. "We may be confident that the Creed did not 
borrow the expressions from them, but they from the 
Creed, since we are certain that this Creed was made 
long before the year 633. The reference to this very 
Creed appears so plain in the words of that Council, 
that most of the learned have concluded from thence 
that the Spanish fathers had both seen and approved 
this Creed. Baronius is positive that the Council took 
their expressions from it ^, Calvisius dates the publi- 

t ** Nee personas oonfundimus, nee substantiam separamus. Pa- 
trem a nullo factum, vel genitum dicimus : Filium a Patre nou 
factum, sed genitum, asserimus : Spiritnm vero Sanctum neo orea- 
turn, nee genitum, sed procedentem a Patre et Filio profitemur, 
ipgum aiitem Dominum nostrum Jeitum Christum ... ex substantia 
Patris ante ssecula genitum . . . sequalis Patri secundum divinita- 
tern, minor Patre secundum humanitatem. . . . Utec eat CathoUcce 
EcclesisB Fides : hano Confessionem conservamus, atque tenemus. 
Quam quisquis firmissime custodierit, perpetuam salutem babebit." 
— (jonoil. Tolet. IV. Capitul I., in Labbe, Condi. ^ vol. v, p. 1704. 

It *'Ez eodero Athanasii Symbolo ea verba primi capituli To- 
letani quarti ConcHii deduota noscuntur, quibus dioitur, Patrem 




cation of the Creed from that Council'; so also Alste- 
dins^. GavantaSy in his Comments npon the Boman 
Breyiarj, concludes from thence that this Creed had 
heen read in the Church as high as that time \ Helyi- 
cus" falls in with the opinion of Calvisius and AlstediuSy 
grounded upon the expressions of this Council heing 
parallel to those of the Creed. These authors have 
perhaps carried the point too £sir in supposing this 
a sufficient proof of any puhlic reception of the Creed 
in Spain at that time, or of its heing read in their 
churches ; hut it is clear enough that the Spanish fathers 
had hoth seen and approved it, otherwise they could not, 
or would not, have borrowed so plainly from it. Thus 
much is allowed by most of the learned modems, as Ques- 
nel", NataHs Alexander ^ Mont£&uconP, Tillemont^, 

a nuUo iaetum,"&c. — Baron., Annul., ann. 340, § 12, yol. iiL p. 529 
(p. 436). 

^ ** Reporitum fait in archiriB, nee publicatom, nisi, quantum ex 
bistoriis conjicere licet, post trecentos fere annos, ubi in Concilio 
Toletano quarto qusedam ex eo translata verba recensentur." — 
Seth Calvis., Op. UttronoLo^., ann. 340, p. 544 (396). 

^ ** Sjrmbolura AtbanaMii ab illo sisriptum est Romse itidem con- 
tra Arium. Publicatum est post 300 fere annos in Concilio Tole- 
tano, et inde usque ad nostra tempera in Ecclesia usurpatum." — 
Alsted., Thesaur., p. 178. 

' *' Athanasius dum esset Bom», scfipsit Latine Symbolum .... 
et recitavit coram Pontifice et ei assidentibus, ann. 340, ut scribit 
Baronius ; et est illud idem, immutatum, le^que solitum in Eccle- 
sia, ante annos nongentos sexaginta. Vide Annales ad annum 
prasdictum.'* — Gavant., CommejU. in Breviar. Rom., vol. ii. p. 69 
fp. 106). 

■ " Athanarius Symbolum scribit Romse, et Concilio offert ; non 
tamen publicatur, nisi post 300 ferme annos in Concilio Toletano.'' 
— Helvic, Theatr. Butor., ad ann. 339. 

■ « Imo et jam ab anno 633 aliqua ex isto Sjmbolo descripta 
mihi ridentur in ea coufessione fidei, qusB edita est a Coacilio Tole- 
tano iv. habeturque oapit. i. ejusdem." — Quesnel, Dissert, xiv. 
p. 731. 

• Natal. Alexand., vol. iv. p. 109. 
f Montfauc, Diatrib., p. 720. 
Tlllemont, Mimoi/ret, vol. viii. p. 283 (p. 670). 


Maratorius, Oudin^ and others, that the expres- 
sions of that Council and this Creed are parallel, and 
one borrowed from the other, and the words of the 
Cbuncil from the words of the Creed, only Muratorius 
hints as if a doubt might be made whether the Council 
took from the Creed, or the Creed from the Council •, 
which may seem strange in him, who supposes the 
Creed to have been made by Fortunatus many years 
before that Council was held. But, I suppose, he is 
there speaking of the argument drawn from the words 
of that Council alone, abstracting from the other cir- 
cumstance, and previous to the consideration of Fortu- 
natus's comment, otherwise he is guilty of a very great 
oversight. It appears, then, that this Creed was known 
and approved in Spain as early as 633 ; and it is ob- 
servable how exactly this falls in with the time when 
the Spanish Churches are supposed to have received 
the Gallican offices, according to Mabillon's account. 
Wherefore it is extremely probable, that about this 
time they received this Creed from the Gallican 
Churches; received it as an orthodox formulary, and 
an approved rule of faith. As to their taking it into 
their public service and Psalmody, I pretend not to set 
it so high, having no proof that they did receive it in 
that sense so early ; but as soon as the Gallican 
Churches made it a part of their Psalmody, we may 

' Oudin, Comment, de Senator. EccL, vol i. p. 348. 

■ *' Venim do majoris quid em momenti sunt verba ilia, quae in 
Conoilii Toletani quarti professione Fidei leguntur : qnamvlB eniiu 
phrases nonnullse ibidem inveniantur Symboli phrasibus oppido 
similes, attamen ejusmodi non sunt ut iis patribus 8ymbolum jam 
innotuisse demonstrent. Quin ex eodem Conoilio has formulas 
quis delibasse videri potest, ut inde Symbolum istud oonflaret." — 
Murator., Anecdot., vul. ii. p. 223. 



reasonably think that the Spanish did so too, or within 
a very short time after. 


787. Next to France and Spain we may mention 
Germany ; not only because of their nearness of situa- 
tion to France, but also because of their mutual inter- 
course and affinity with each other. This Creed, very 
probably, was received in some parts of Germany soon 
after it obtained in the Gallican Church. The mutual 
intercourse of the German and Gallican Churches makes 
it probable ; and the ancient' manuscript of the Creed 
found at Treves, or Triers, in Germany, may persuade 
the same thing. Our positive evidence is, however, 
clear and certain for the reception of the Creed as 
early as 870, being then translated by Otfridus into the 
German or Teutonic language. Anscharius's instruc- 
tions to his clergy (above mentioned) will afford an 
argument for the reception of this Creed in Germany 
from the time of his holding the See of Hamburg, or 
from 830 ; and it was received at Basil, as we learn 
from Hatto, bishop of the place, before 820. Indeed, 
I have above referred Basil to France, considering how 
it stood in Hatto' s time, and that it was part of ancient 
Gaul ; but then it was upon the confines of Germany, 
and has in later times been reckoned to it, and we have 
good reason to think that the customs of the German 
Churches in the ninth century were nearly the same 
with those of the Church of Basil in 820. What 
passed in the Council of Frankfort (if I mistake not in 
my construction of it) may warrant the carrying it up 

high as 794; and it was seven years before that, 


namely, in the year 787*, that Pope Adrian sent to 
St. Willehady Bishop of Breme, the famous Psalter of 
Charles the Great", with this Creed in it, the same 
that I have spoken of above. No wonder, therefore, 
that Anscharius and Eembertus, afterwards Archbishops 
of Hamburg and Breine, so very highly valued this 
Creed. The particular regard paid to this Creed by 
Charles the Great, in the year 772, may plead perhaps 
in favour of a more early date ; at least, no doubt can 
be made but as soon as he came to be Emperor, if not 
a great deal sooner, the German Churches (as well as 
the Galilean before) admitted this Creed even into their 
public offices. It is of this time that an anonymous 
author, cited above, in a tract directed to Charlemagne, 
then Emperor, says that this Creed was professed by 
the Universal Church. We cannot, however, be mis- 
taken in setting the reception of it in Germany as high 
as the year 787. So high may pass for certain fact ; 
and there is great probability for the running it up 
maoy years higher. 

800. As to our own country, we have clear and posi- 
tive proof of the Creed's being sung alternately in our 
churches in the tenth century, when Abbo of Pleury, 

* Mabill., Act. Sanet., siec. 3, part 2, vol. iv. p. 409. 

" *' Codex iste .... in Biblioiheca cubiculari sammi Pontifiois 
Hadriani I. permansit usque ad annum DCCLXXXViii. quo S. Wil- 
lehadus ab eodem cum cousensu Carol! M. primus Episoopus Bre- 
mensis declaratus est. Tunc videlicet P. P. Hadrianus eundem 
ilium Codicem Psalterii, quern ipse in principio Pontificatus sui 
tanquam munus gratulatorium a Oarolo Maguo acceperat, eadem 
ratione donavit 8. Willebado, ut et ille^ in novo Episcopatu suo, 
frueretur usu sacri istius muneris." — Lambec. Catal, Bibl. Vindob., 
Ub. il 0. 6, p. 297. 


an ear-witness of it, was here, and when the Saxon 
versions, still extant, were of standing use for the in- 
struction and benefit both of clergy and people. These 
evidences alone will prove the reception of this Creed 
in England to have been as early as 950 or 930, or 
the time of Athelstan, whose Latin Psalter, with the 
Creed in it, remains to this day. The age of the manu- 
script versions will warrant us thus far ; but, possibly, 
if those versions were thoroughly examined by a critic 
in the Saxon, it might appear that the version, or ver- 
sions, were some years older than the manuscripts. But 
it may be worth the observing farther, that among seve- 
ral other ancient Professions of Faith drawn up by our 
Bishops of the Saxon times, there is one of Denebert, 
Bishop of Worcester, presented to Archbishop Athelard 
in the year 799, which contains in it a considerable 
part of the Athanasian Creed '. From whence may be 
concluded that this formulary was well known here 
and well approved, among the learned at least, in those 
times. Wherefore, upon the whole, and all circum- 
stances considered, I may presume to name the year 
800, or thereabout, for the reception of this Creed in 
England. Further enquiries may perhaps carry it up 
higher; but it cannot reasonably be brought lower, 
and so there I leave it. 

880. We learn from Ratherius, above cited, that this 
Creed was in common use in some parts of Italy, par- 
ticularly in the diocese of Verona, in Low Lombardy, 

V " Orthodoxam, Catholicam Apostolioam Fidem, sicut didici, 
exponam verbis, quia scriptum est, ' QuiouDque vult Salvus 
&o. — ^Profess. Deneberti Episc. Wigom., in Text. Roff., p. 262. 


in bis time ; that is, about 960. He tben speaks of it 
as a man would do of a formulary tbat bad been cus- 
tomary amongst tbem, and of long standing. He ex- 
horts his clergy to make themselves masters of the three 
Creeds, Apostles', Nicene, and Athanasian, without the 
least intimation of the last of them being newly intro- 
duced. I incline to think, that from the time that 
Lombardy became a province of the French under 
Charles the Great (about the year 774), this Creed 
obtained there, by means of that prince, who had so 
great a value for it, and whose custom it was to dis- 
perse it abroad wherever he had any power or influ- 
ence. He presented it to the Pope himself in 772 ; he 
delivered it, about the same time, or before, to the 
monks of Mount Olivet, in Jerusalem, of his founda- 
tion ; and it appears to have been with his consent, or 
perhaps at his request, that Pope Adrian conveyed it to 
"Willehad, the first Bishop of Breme, in 787. These 
circumstances make it highly probable that the same 
Charles the Great introduced this Creed into Lombardy 
soon after his conquest of it ; and, indeed, nothing could 
be more serviceable at that time in a country which 
had so long before been corrupted with Arianism. Add 
to this, that it appears highly probable that the Gal- 
lican Psalter was introduced into the Churches of Italy 
soon after Lombardy became a province under the kings 
of France ; and if their Psalter came in, no doubt but 
their Creed, then a part of their Psalter, came in with 
it. Cardinal Bona observes, and seems to wonder at it, 
that the Galilean Psalter obtained in most parts of Italy 
in the eleventh century*. He might, very probably, 

> Bona, de Rebus LUurg.f lib. ii. o. 3, p. 506. 


have set the date higher, as high perhaps, or very near, 
as the conquest of Lombardy by Charlemagne. Thus 
far, at lenst, we may reasonably judge, that those parts 
which were more immediately subject to the kings of 
France, Verona especially, one of the first cities taken, 
received the Gallican Psalter sooner than the rest. 
However, since I here go only upon probabilities, and 
have no positive proof of the precise time when either 
the Creed or the Psalter came in, and it might take up 
some years to introduce them and settle them there 
(new customs generally meeting with difficulties and 
opposition at the first), these things considered, I am 
content to suppose the year 880 for the reception of 
this Creed in Italy, which is but eighty years higher 
than Eatherius, and is above one hundred years from 
the entire conquest of Lombardy by Charles the Great. 
There may be some reason to suspect that this Creed 
had been known in Italy, and received, at least in 
some of the monasteries there, near two hundred years 
before. The manuscript of Bobbio, in Langobardic 
character, and written about the year 700, or sooner, 
will afford a very strong presumption of it ; and if we 
consider how from the year 637, in the time of Hotharis, 
one of the Lombard kings of Italy, there had been 
a constant struggle between the Catholics and Arians, 
and a succession of bishops on both sides kept up, in 
almost every city of his dominions, for many years 
together, I say, from these considerations, one might 
reasonably presume that the Catholics had about that 
time procured this Creed, together with Bachiarii Fides 
Gennadius's Tract, out of the Gallican parts, to 
themselves the better against the spreading heresy. 


But as this does not amount to a public reception of it, 
nor is the fact so clear as not to be liable to dispute, 
I pretend not to insist upon it. 


930. Borne is of distinct consideration &om the other 
parts of Italy, and was always more desirous of im- 
posing her own offices upon other Churches, than of 
receiving any from them. The Mlioque in the Con- 
stantinopolitan Creed had been long admitted into all 
the other Western Churches before Bome would accept 
it, which was not (at least it does not appear that it 
was) till the middle of the eleventh century, or about 
1050. The custom of reciting the Nicene or Constan- 
tinopolitan Creed in the Communion Service had pre- 
pailed in Spain, France, and Germany for several 
centuries, and was at length but hardly admitted at 
Bome in the year 1014. It was thought civil enough 
of the popes of Eome to allow the other Webtern 
Churcnes to vary from the Boman customs in any 
thing ; and those other Churches could not enjoy that 
liberty and privilege in quiet, without complying with 
the Boman Offices in most things besides. The use of 
the Athanasian Creed was one of those things wherein 
they were beforehand with the Church of Bome, and 
in which they were indulged, as was also the use of 
the Gallican Psalter, which the Western Churches in 
general were allowed y to have, while the Bomans were 

y ** Alexander TV. in sua Constitutione qu89 est Sexta in Bullario 
Ordinis Eremitaruin ttancti Augustini, maodat Priuri Generali et 
reliquis Fratribus in Tuscia, ut reel tent uificiutu juxta morem 
BomaLss Ecolesi», excepto Psalteriu."— Buna, de Htbus Liturg.^ 
lib. ii. 0. 3, p. 506. 

** bio quoque IS. Francisous, ut testatur Frasseniug (Disqu. Bib., 


tenacious of their own. But though the Romans re- 
tained their own Psalter all the way down to the 
middle of the sixteenth century, yet they had long 
hefore borrowed this Creed from the Gallican, and re- 
ceived it into their Offices. This is certain fact ; but as 
to the precise time when it was first done it may not 
be easy to determine: it was, without all question, 
before Thomas Aquinas's days, who tells us (as above 
cited) that this Creed was received by the authority of 
the pope : I wish he had told us what pope. That it 
was not received into the Roman Offices S) soon as the 
year 809 may be probably argued from a case that then 
happened, which has been hinted above. The Latin 
monks of Mount Olivet (founded by Charles the Great) 
in their Apologetical Letter to Pope Leo III. made the 
best defence they were able of their own practice in 
their public professing that the Holy Ghost proceeds 
from the Son. They pleaded the open acknowledgment 
of the same doctrine in Charles the Great's own chapel, 
and that the same doctrine had been taught them in 
St. Gregory's Homilies, and in the Rule of St. Benedict, 
and in the Athanasian Creed, and in a Dialogue given 
them by Pope Leo himself*. Now, had the Athanasian 

0. 6, § 1) illius Ordinis Frater, in Regula suorura prseoipit: Clerici 
faciaut Divinum Offioium secundum Ordinem sanctse Romanse Ec- 
clesise, excepto Psalterio/' — Hodius, de Text. BibL, lib. iii. c. 2, 
§ 4, p. 383. See also above, p. 44. 

■ '' Benignissime Pater, dum essem Ego Leo, servus vester, ad 
Sancta vestigia vestra, et ad pia vestigia Domtii Raroli, piissimi 
Imperatoris, Filiique vestri, audiviraus in Capella ejus dici in 
Symbolo Fidei, Qui ex Patre Filioque procedit. Et in Homllia S. 
Gregorii, quam nobis Filius vester Domtms Karr)lus Imperator 
dedit, in parabola Octavarum Paschse, ubi dixit: Sed ejus missio 
ipsa processio est, qui de Patre proce<lit et Filio. Et in Regula 
S. BeueHicti, quam nobis dedit Filius vester Domnus Karolus, . . . 
et in Dialogo quern nobis vestra Sanotitas dare dignata est, sioii* 


Creed been at that time recited in the public Offices at 
Borne, those monks who were so particular in every 
little circumstance pleadable in their favour, could not 
have failed (especially upon their mentioning the Atha- 
nasian Creed) to have pleaded a thing so notorious, and 
which would have given the greatest countenance and 
authority possible to them and their doctrine, and must 
have been of the greatest weight and force with Pope 
Leo, to whom they were writing, and whose protection 
they were then seeking and humbly imploring. From 
hence then one may reasonably infer that this Creed 
was not received into the Roman Offices so early as the 
year 809. Let us now enquire whether we can fix 
upon any later time for its coming in. 

Genebrard testifies that in the oldest Roman Bre- 
viaries he could meet with, or hear of, this Creed 
always made a part of the service*. But this is too 
general, nor can we be certain how ancient those 
oldest Breviaries were, nor whether they belonged to 
the Roman Church strictly so called, or to other 
Western Churches; and, indeed, I know not how we 
can come to any certainty in this matter, unless it be 
by examining into the Roman Psalters which have this 
Creed in them. "Whenever the Cieed came into the 
Roman Psalters we may justly conclude that at the 
same time it came into the Roman Offices. We have in 
our public library at Cambridge a Roman Psalter, 
written for the use of the Church of Canterbury (as 

liter dicit. Et in Fide S. Atbanasii eodem modo dicit." — Epist. 
MoDach. Montis Oliveti ; in L<5 Qaien, Damasc. Dissert., p. 7. 

* ** In vetustissimis Komanse Ecclesiae oopoXoylois (hsec nunc vo- 
camus viilgo Breviaria) sub Atbanasii nomine ejus ad Primam reoi- 
tatio usu recepta est."— Genebrard, p. 3. 


' our judicious Mr. Wanley reasonably conjectures^), 
and about the time of the Conquest, or a little before, 
suppose 1060. The Church of Canterbury more espe- 
cially used the Eoman Psalter, as hath been observed 
above, and was in all things conformable, of old time, 
to the Eoman Offices. Now, if this Creed, which had 
long before been introduced into the Gallican Psalters, 
did at this time obtain in the Boman also, it is obvious 
to conclude, that it at the same time made a part of the 
Boman Offices, even at Borne itself, as well as Canter- 
bury, since one was conformable to the other. This 
argument may carry us up some years higher; for 
there is another, an older Roman Psalter, taken notice 
of above, which has this Creed in it, written about the 
year 930, in the time of King Athelstan. It is said to 
have belonged formerly to Archbishop Cranmer. Per- 
haps this also might have been written for the use 
of the Church of Canterbury: I know of no Church 
amongst us which at that time used the Boman Psalter 
but the Church of Canterbury. However, it is highly 
improbable that any Church which complied so far 
with Bome as to use the Boman Psalter should take 
this Creed into that Psalter before such time as Bome 
itself had done the same thing. Upon the strength of 
this argument, though it be not demonstrative, but 
probable only (such as the case will admit of, and such 
as may very well pass till we can fix upon something 
more certain), I say, upon the strength of this, I in- 

^ ** Notandam vero in Litania extare hseo verba : Ut Arohiepis- 
copum Dostrum, et omnem congregationem illi commissam, m 
sancta religioue conservare digneris, te rogamus : quibua pene Ib- 
ducor ut credam huno Cod. oUm pertinuisse ad Eoclesiam Christi 
Sal/atoris CantuaruB." — Wanley, UataL, p. 15:2. 


cline to date the reception of this Creed at Borne from 
the tenth century, and the beginning of it, about the 
year 930. From this time forwards, I presume, the 
Athanasian Creed has been honoured with a public 
recital among the other sacred hymns and Church 
Offices all over the West. The way has been to recite 
it at the Prime, or first hour (one o'clock in the Latin 
account, with us seven in the morning), every Lord's 
day*', and in some places every day**. But as the 
custom of making it only a part of the Sunday Service 
is the most ancient, so has it likewise been the most 
general and prevailing, and is at this day the common 
and constant usage of the Churches within the Boman 
Communion. And let this suffice so far as concerns 
the Western Churches. 

Of the Gbeek and OEiEirrAL Chttrches. 

As to the Greek, or Oriental Churches, I reserved 
this place for them, that I might not entirely omit 
them. It has been questioned whether any of them 
ever received this Creed at all. Vossius® seems to 

« ** Die Dominico ad Primam reoitetar/'— Hatt. Basil, a.d. 820. 
See abo^e, p. 27. 

** Per omnes Occidentis Ecclesias Dominiois semper diebus psal- 
litur «... in cuDOtis Ecclesiis puhlice cani prseoeptCL" — ^Manuel 
Calec. cont. Orcec, lib. ii. o. 20 ; in Bibl. Max. PP. vol. xxvi. p. 414. 

* " Fidem, * Quicunque vult,' quotidie ad Primam iterat. Honor. 
August. Ad Primam dicunt quotidie Symbohim Athanasii." — 
Bona, de Carthusianis ; Divin. Ptalm.f o. 18, § 5, p. 897. 

** Ad Primam .... quotidie subditur Symbolum Atbanasii" — 
Bona, de Anibrosianis, ib., § 10, p. 900. 

* "Nee qui nostra setate Patriaroba Alexandrinus, et Prases 
Constantinopoleos fuit, pro germane illud Symbolum habuit. Sic 
enim JMeletiuslitteris suis Constantinopoli, anno 1597, ad Johannem 
Douzam Nordovicem datts, et a filio Georgio Douza editis : ' Atha- 
nasio false adscriptum Symbolum, cum appendice ilia Romanolru'n 
Fontificum adulteratum, luce lucidius contestamur.'" — Vosa, de 
Trib. Symb.f Dissert, ii. c. 20^ p. 621. 


have thought that they never have ; and so also Com- 
hefisius'; and Dr. Smith, in his Account of the Greek 
Church, is positive, that, as to the Creed of Athanasius, 
the Greeks are wholly strangers to it *. 

Nevertheless, I find some very considerable men of 
a contrary persuasion, and not Bomanists only, as Ba- 
ronius, Spondanus**, Muratorius^, Benaudof", and others, 
but Protestants also, as particularly Gundling, whose 
words I have put into the margin ^ We may observe, 
however, that thus far is agreed on all hands, that this 
Creed is not received in all the Greek Churches ; and 
if it is in any, yet it is there dijfferently read in the 
Article of Procession. It is not pretended that any of 
the African Churches, Alexandrian, Nubian, or Ethio- 
pian (which are most of them of the Jacobite or Euty- 
chian sect) have received it. So far from it, that they 
have not (at least the Ethiopian or Abassine Churches 

' Gombef., not. ad Calec^ p. 297, et notatione 48 in vitam 
Basilii Fsevdo-Amphiloch. . , . ** Symbolum Athtuiasii Grseci ut 
ejus non recipiunC 

t Smith, Account of the Greek Church, p. 196. 

^ Spondanus epitomizing the words of Baronius, ann. 340, § 4 : 
** Cam autem e Komanse EcclesisB antiquis monumentis, veluti eni- 
deratum emersit in lucem, a Latinis omnibus, a Gnecis^ue suscep- 
tum est : necnon ab Ecclesia Serviana^ BiU^arica, Bussica, Mosco- 
vitica, et aliis ; quamvis ab eis dempta inde pars ilia fuerit, qua 
Spiritum Sanctum a Patre Filioque procedere expressum habetur." 

1 " Be vera, non £cclesia tantiim Constantinopolitana, sed Ser- 
viana, Bulgarica, Bussica, Moscovitica, idiseque Bitui GrsBCO ad- 
dicts, etsi Athanasiano Symbolo in Sacris Litur^iis utantur, banc 
tamen particulam, et Filio, inde exclusere." — Murator., vol. ii. 
p. 227. 

k **Quod dicitur Dei Filius assumpsi-'se Hominem, &o., rectum 
est, Symbolo quod Athauasii dicitur, et a Grsecis Latinisque recipi- 
tur, conforme." — Benaud., Orient. Liturg., ad Nestorii Litw- 
ffianif n. 2, in vol. ii. p. 643. 

^ ** Mirari quis posset cur Grseci Processionem Spiritus Sancti 
a Filio negent, additionera ad Svmbulum Nic»num tarn segre 
ferant, cum tamen Symbolum Athanasii recipiant." — Gundling^ 
p. 68. 


have not) so much as the Apostles* Creed amongst 
them, if we may believe Ludolphus " ; so little are they 
acquainted with the Latin forms or Confessions. Nor 
is it pretended that the more Eastern Christians, be- 
longing to the Patriarchates of Antioch and Jerusalem, 
have any acquaintance with the Athanasian Creed; 
no, not the Maronites, though they formerly submitted 
to the see of Rome, and are still supposed to hold com- 
munion therewith, and to acknowledge the Pope for 
their head. All that is pretended with respect to this 
Creed is, that the Churches of Constantinople, Servia, 
Bulgaria, Russia, and Muscovy, acknowledge it as 
Athanasius's, or make use of it in their common and 
sacred Offices. And for proof of this it has been usual 
to appeal to a passage of Cazanovius, a Polish knight, 
in a letter of his to Calvin, which letter I have not 
seen, but find quoted both by Genebrard" and Yossius°, 
men of opposite principles, and therefore the more 
safely to be relied on where they agree. But what 
does Cazanovius confess? That the Greek, Servian, . 
Russian, and Muscovite Churches acknowledge the 
Athanasian Creed as Athanasius^s, only curtailed (or, 
as they would say, corrected) as to the point of the 

n» Ludolpb., ffistor. JEthiop., lib. iii. o. 5, § 19: "Symbolo 
Fidei Catholicae Nicsno communiter utuntur. . . . Jllo quo nos uti- 
mur, uti cseteri Orien tales, carent : baud levi indicio Apostolos 
illius autores non esse." 

^ " Si Atbanasii est, cnjusnam illud erit quod nunc Grncorum, 
Seryiorum, Russorum, et Moscorum Ecclesiie sub ejus'lem Atbanasii 
titulo reticent, ao pro genuine agnoscunt ? " — Cazanov. ad Calvin, 
Epist. ; in Grenebrard, p. 7. 

* *' Cazanovius Sarmata .... etei multum ei boo Symbolum 
displiceat, agnoscit tamen Atbanasiavum vocari, non in Latina so- 
lum Ecclesia, sed etiaoa iu Constantinopolitana, Serviana, Bulga- 
rica, Moscovitica.'' — Voss., de Symh., Dies. ii. c. i. p. 516. 



Procession. A confession from a Socinian adTersary in 
this case is of some weight, and especially if it can be 
enforced by any corroborating evidence. Let us see, 
tben, what may be further learned concerning the seve- 
ral Churches here named, and the reception of this 
Creed in them. I may take them one by one. 

1. To begin with Muscovy, where the matter of fact 
seems to be most fully attested of any. In the ac- 
count given of the Lord Carlisle's embassy from King 
Charles II. to the great Duke of Muscovy, in the year 
1663 P, I meet with this passage relating to the Musco- 
vites and their divine service: — **The whole service 
is performed by reading of certain Psalms, or chapters 
in the Bible; sometimes the priest adds Athanasius's 
Creed, or sings certain hymns and St. Chrysostom's 
Homily." In another treatise, intituled, *' Of the 
Ancient and Modem Keligion of the Muscovites," writ- 
ten in French, and printed at Cologne, 1698, and since 
translated into English, there is this account of the 
Muscovites: that "they receive the Creed of the 
Apostles, and that of Nice and Athanasius'." These 
two testimonies are undoubted^ sufficient, so far as 
concerns Muscovy. Now, the Muscovites received their 
religion and their orders from the Patriarch of Constan- 
tinople about the tenth century, or beginning of the 
eleventh; and their receiving of this Creed will be 
a presumptive argument in favour of its reception at 
Constantinople also, if there be no evident reason 
against it. That the Muscovites did not receive the 

P Harris's Collection of Travels, vol. ii. p. 181. See also the 
Duke of Hulstein's Travels, ib., p. 86. 

« Harris's Collection o*^ Travels, vol. ii. p. 288. See also pp. 
240,241. ^ ^^ 


Oxed firom the Latins^ but f:aia the Greeks, is reij 
plaiiiy because their copies of the Creed are mthout 
the Article of the Frocessiou £rom the Son ^ For they 
pretend that the Latins haxe interpolated the Greedy 
appealing to their own uncorrupted copies; and they 
blame the Latins, farther, for inserting the JFV/iV»f m# 
into the Kicene *. From what hath been said, it ap* 
pears to be certain £ict, that the Muscovites receive the 
Athanasian Creed : how long they have had it^ or how 
far short of 700 years (reckoning from the time that 
Christianity was received or restored amongst them), 
I cannot say. I should observe, that the Muscovites 
always perform their service in their own vulgar 
tongue, as is allowed on all handi\ Since, then, the 
Athanasian Creed is a part of their Service, they must 
have had a version of it in the Muscovite language, 
which is a dialect of the Sdavonian. Wherefore this 
als ), af ler our proof of the thing, may now be added to 
the other versions above mentioned* 

2. Eussia, as distinguished from Muscovy, must 
mean Eussia Minor, or the Black Russia, a province of 
Poland. As many hB there follow the Greek rites ore 

' Tentsel., Judic* ErvdxL, p. 151. 

■ See Harris, 1. o. p. 240. 

t 'Mn cseteris autem regiooibus, videlioet in Servia, Mvsia, Bos* 
Dia, Bulgaria, Russia Minori Begi Polonise subdita, in Voihinia, Po- 
dolia, et parte quadam Lituania, aliisque fitiiiinns provinoiis, ritu 
Grseco divinum peragitur offioium, translatis Qrferorum typiois in 
SSclavonicam linguam. £osdem Qrecos ritus, eariem lingua, ser- 
vant Mosoovitee, quoruna Regio Russia major, seu Roxolania nunou- 
pdtur," &o.— Bona, de Divin. Ptaimod.f a 18, § 17, p. Wl ; of. 
Usher, Biitor, DognuU., p. 246. 

*' Armeui suo quoque native sermone dudum saora oelebrant, turn 
qui Orthodoxam Fidem retinuerunt, turn JaoobitiB, ut Musoovita 
seu Kutheni, Constantinopolitanse sedi subjecti, Russioo; et alii 
quidam de quibus pauoa soimus." — Renaudot., LUurg, Orient., 
vol. i. Disserta*. 6, p. xliii 

130 AircrENT beceptiow op 

of the same account with the Muscovites before spoken 
of; and therefore what has been said of the former, 
with respect to the use of the Athanasian Creed, will 
be applicable to these also, and so I need not be more 
particular about them. The Patriarch of Muscovy or- 
dains their Archbishop, who is therefore subject to him, 
and follows the same rites and customs ; and their 
language is also a dialect of the Sclavonian, like the 

3. Servia, now a large province of the Turkish em- 
pire, part of Korthem Turkey in Europe, first received 
Christianity about the year 860, by the means of Cyril 
and Methodius, who are said to have invented the Scla- 
vonian letters, and to have translated the Scriptures 
into the Sclavonian tongue. Cyril was a Greek, and 
came from Constantinople ; and Methodius was a Greek 
too, both sent by the Greek Emperor to convert the 
country, which therefore became instructed in the 
Greek rites and religion. It is not improbable that 
they should have the Athanasian Creed, as well as the 
Muscovites and Russians, or perhaps before them, being 
converted sooner ; and they also must have received it 
from the Greeks, and not from the Latins, because of 
their varying in the Article of the Procession from the 
"Western Churches. 

4. Bulgaria is likewise part of Turkey in Europe, 
and has been so from the year 1396. Christianity was 
planted there in the year 845. There were of old 
great disputes between the two Bishops of Rome and 
Constantinople upon the question to whose Patriarchate 
the Bulgarians did of right belong. In conclusion, 
about the year 870, the Greek Patriarch prevailed over 


the Eoman, by the interest of the then Emperor of 
Constantinople- The Bulgarians of consequence fell to 
the share of the Greek Church, and so have been edu- 
cated in their rites and customs. Their language is 
a dialect of the Sclavonian, in which they perform 
their sacred offices ; and, therefore, if they make use of 
the Athanasian Creed, they must be supposed to have 
it in their own vulgar tongue. I have no particular 
evidence of their using it beyond what has been men- 
tioned from Cazanovius and the Romish writers, which 
yet seems to be sufficient, since it has been fully proved 
that it is used in Muscovy and in Russia, to whom the 
Bulgarians are neighbours, and with whom they con- 
form in their other religious rites derived from the 
same fountain, namely, the Constantinopolitan Greeks. 
5. It remains, then, that we consider the fact in 
respect of Constantinople itself, and the Greek Church 
there ; for this also, as we have seen, has been named 
with others as receiving the Athanasian Creed. Gene- 
brard is positive in it, and gives us the very Creed 
itself, which the Constantinopolitans, as he says, use 
and recite^. He wrote in the year 1569. The truth 
of his report is very much doubted, because the form 
which he exhibits acknowledges the Procession from 
the Son, which the Constantinopolitans admit not ; and 
even those who, as before seen, assert or allow that 
they receive this Creed, yet, at the same time, intimate 
that it is not the entire Creed, but curtailed in that 
Article. However, Genebrard might be in the right 

■ *' Superius Symbolum Athanasii verbis aliquaniulum im- 
matatis Constantinopolitani sic Grsece legunt, et recitant.'' — 
Genebrard^ p. 14. 

132 AircTEirT bbckftiok of 

as to the main thing, that the Constantinopolitans do 
receire the Creed, though mistaken in the particular 
form ; or, possihlj, some Latinizing Greeks at Constan- 
tinople might hare one form, and the rest another, and 
thns all will he well. Bat let ns enquire what further 
evidence there is of this Creed's having heen ever re- 
ceived at Constantinople, and hj the Greeks properly 
so called. An argument thereof may he drawn from 
the Greek copies that vary from the Latin in the 
Article of Procession. For who should draw up and 
curtail the Greek copies hut the Greeks? and why 
should they he at the trouhle of correcting (as they will 
call it) the Creed if they did not receive it ? A second 
argument may he drawn from the Creed's heing found 
in the Horologia belonging to the Greeks ; that is, in 
their Breviaries (as we should call them), their Books 
of Service for the Canonical Hours. How should the 
Creed come in there, unless the Greeks received it into 
their sacred Offices ? As to the fact, Bishop Usher's 
copy found in such a Breviary, is a sufficient evidence ; 
and it is plain from the copy itself that it was no 
Latinizing Greek that made it or used it, since the 
Procession from the Son is struck out. Further, this 
Horologion belonged to a monk of Constantinople^, 
which argues the reception of the Creed in that very 
city ; and as a token of their esteem of it, and value 
for it, it is ascribed to the Nicene Council itself, which 
all the Greeks receive and respect with the greatest 

^ " In Theoara, ConBtantinopolitani Monaohi, Gneoorum Hjmno- 
rum Horologio (a Ravio nostro ex Oriente huo adveoto) Sjmbolum 
Jkm, eo quo post finem higus Diatribue oemitor interpolatum 
lo, Nionna Synodo adMriptom .... reperi/' &o. — Usher, de 
\, prof., p. 2 (p. 1). 


veneration. From hence, then, it is plain that the 
Constantinopolitan Greeks (some of them at least) re- 
ceive, or have received, this Creed, hut with some alter- 
ations proper to their peculiar tenets, in opposition to 
the Latins. This fact, of the Constantinopolitans their 
receiving this Creed, might he farther proved from the 
Confession of Metrophanes Critopulus (in the year 1620, 
puhlished in 1667^), who admits the Creed, and looks 
upon it as owing to a very particular Providence, that 
the Greek copies (as he supposes) have heen preserved 
pure and entire, while the Latin ones have heen cor- 
rupted or interpolated. We find hy Nicolaus Hydrun- 
tinus, ahove cited, that such had heen the general 
persuasion of the Greeks, 500 years upwards, in rela- 
tion to this Creed; not rejecting the Creed, hut the 
Latin interpolation only, as they take it to he. 

"Which when I consider, reflecting withal how the 
Muscovites, Eussians, &c. (who derived their religion 
from the Greeks since the ninth century), have all come 
into this Creed, and that no good account has heen 
given of such agreement, except it he that they all 
received the same form when they first received their 
religion ; I say, when I consider, and compare these 
things together, it cannot hut give me a suspicion that 
this Creed had heen received hy the Greeks soon after 
their first disputes with the Latins ahout the Proces- 
sion, only they took care to strike out a part of it, 
hoping to solve all hy charging the Latins with inter- 
polation ; or, possibly, the Latin Patriarchs of Constan- 

* *' Metrophanis CritopuU, Protosyngeli Constantinopolitan i 
*0/in\oyia ttjs &yaro\ucris iKK\ri(riaS'" — Edit. Helmstad., in 4to. 
a Joaon. Horneio ; vid. cap. 1, p. 18, in Tentzel., p. 150. 


134 AKCiEirr beceftiok of 

tinople, between the years 1205 and 1260, might first 
introduce the Creed there. They made use of it, as it 
seems, then and there, in their Offices for the instruc- 
tion of the Catechumens, as I learn from a Pontifical of 
the Church of Constantinople about 500 years old, pub- 
lished in part by Martene, who gives an account of it^, 
and also an extract of the office relating to Catechu- 
mens, which I have transcribed* into the bottom of the 
page. It is not improbable that the use of the Creed 
at Constantinople might first come in such a way ; and 
when it had prevailed there for forty or fifty years, the 
returning Greeks might think it not improper to con- 
tinue its use, only taking out the Article which con- 
cerns the Procession. 

However this be, one thing is certain, and, I think, 
hath been proved abundantly, that the professed Greeks, 
even under the Patriarch of Constantinople, have in 
former times received, and still do receive, this Creed, 
with such alterations or corrections as are proper 
to their principles ; and so I understand Dr. Covel % 

J *' ConstantiDopolitaDfle EoolesisB Pontificale vetus, ad Latinos 
ritus acoommodatum, cujus caraoter ad annos 500 accedit ; scrip- 
turn pruinde eo tempore quo urbe a Gallis ocoupata, Latinis 
ritibus serviebat. Ex Bibliotheca B. K. F. P. Prsedicatorum ma- 
joris Coiiveutus Parisiensis."— Martene, Syllah. RitucU., prefixed 
to vol. i. 

« '♦ Interrogatio. Fides quid tibi prasstat ? R. Vitam aetemam. 
Ait et Sacerdos .... Fides autem est, ut unum Deum in Trinitate, 
et Trinitatem in Uuitate venereris, neque confundendo Personas, 
iie^ue Substantiam separando. Alia est enim Persona Patris, alia 
Filii, alia Spiritus Sancti : sed horum trium nna est, et non nisi 
una Divinitas. Exeat ei^o de te spiritus malignus/' &c. — Mar- 
tene, de Antiq. JCccl. Ritwns, c. 1, art. 7, vol. i. pp. 44, 45. 

■ Covel, Account of the Greek Church, pref., p. 9. To which 
I may add a remark of the If amei Dr. Uickes, that ** this Creed, 
though of an uncertain author, was, for its excellent composure, 
received into the Greek and Latin Churches."— Hickes, Serm., 
FpJ. ii. p. 235. 


where he says, speaking of what is done amongst the 
Greeks, that Athanasius*s Creed is owned as corrupted, 
that is, with such corruptions as the Greeks have made 
to it. Upon the whole, therefore, I cannot but close 
in with those many learned Eomonists who have af- 
firmed, and stiU do affirm, that this Creed is received 
both by Greeks and Latins. If the expression be 
thought too general, since it is certain that the Creed 
is rejected by innumerable Greeks, or, more properly, 
Orientalists, in Asia and Africa, as the Cophtes, and 
Nubians, and Abassines, and Maronites, Armenians, 
Nestorians, &c. ; I say, if this be objected, it is to be 
considered that the Romanists, under the name of 
Greeks, mean generally the orthodox Greeks only, the 
Melchite Greeks, or as many as hold communion with 
the Patriarch of Constantinople, making no account 
of the rest, as being by their heresies cut off from 
the Church, and therefore of little or no considera- 
tion^. Now, in this sense, it is excusable enough 
to say, that the Creed is received both by Greeks and 

To sum up what hath been said of the reception of 
this Creed. From the foregoing account it appears 
that its reception has been both general and ancient ; 
it hath been received by Greeks and Latins all over 
Europe; and if it hath been little known among the 

*• " Attamen hoc avi sub Orientalis Koclesise nomine diversarum 
Nationutu Orientalium Eoclesise veniuut ; quss licet a Gra3Cd Huam 
cugLOscant originem, propter tamen variaruru heeresium oolluviem 
et alia prater mores Ohriatianos pessime introducta a Grsoca lon- 
gisime absunt. Grseoi euim illius religionis bomiues, tanquum 
a be disjunctos, atque improbissimos, arcent, et detestaubur." — 
Leo Aliat., de perpet. Consent. MccL Occid. et Orient., lib. i. o. I, 
§ o» P- 7. 

136 AKCTEirr eeceptiok of 

African and Asian Churches, tlie like may be said of 
the Apostles' Creed, which hath not been admitted, 
scarce known, in AMca, and but little in Asia^, ex- 
cept among the Armenians, who are said to receive 
it ** ; so that, for generality of reception, the Athana- 
sian Creed may vie with any, except the Nicene, or 
Constantinopolitan, the only general Creed common to 
all the Churches. As to the antiquity of its reception 
into the sacred Offices, this Creed has been received in 
several countries, France, Germany, England, Italy, 
and Rome itself, as soon, or sooner, than the Nicene, 
which is a high commendation of it, as gaining ground 
by its own intrinsic worth, and without the authority 
of any general Council to enforce it. And there is this 
thing further to be said for it, that while the Kicene 
and Apostles* Creeds have been growing up to their 
present perfection in a course of years, or centuries of 
years, and not completed till about the year 600, this 
Creed was made and perfected at once, and is more 
ancient, if considered as an entire form, than either 
of the others, having received its full perfection while 
the others wanted theirs. No considerable additions 

e ** Illo quo nos utimur, uti csoteri Orientales, oarent (Habeesini) 
baud levi indioio, Apostolos illius au tores non esse, quamvis 
doctrinae ratione Apostolicum recte vooetur." — Ludolpb., Hist. 
jEthiop.f lib. iii. c. 5, n. 19. 'Hfif7s olrrt Ix^'A'cy otht ttiofitv ai/xm 
fioKoif r&v *Airo<rT6\wy, Maro. Epbesius in Concil. Florent. ann. 
1439, in Sylvest. Sgurop. Hii-t , Beet. vi. o. 6, p. 160. Compare the 
statement of Marcus Epbeoius in tbe discussions at tbe Couucil of 
Florence : " Non babemus (Symholwn Apottolorum) :" in Harduin., 
vol. ix. p. 842. 

" Symbolum nee ab Apostolis, neo a Synodo ulla generali factum 
est: Ad bsec, nee in Gr»o. neo in Orient. uUis Ecolesiis obtinuit, 
in Ecdesia Romana." — Suicer., Theiaur.t vol. ii p. 1093 ; sub 

. Symbolum. 

* Bicaut, Present State of the Greek Churob, p. 409. 


or defalcatioQS have been made to it (it has needed 
none) since its Erst compiling till of late years, and in 
the Greek Church only, which yet are so far from cor- 
recting or amending the form, that they have rendered 
it so much the less perfect, and the only way of restor- 
ing it to its perfection is to restore it to what it was at 
the first. But I pass on. 


Op the Time when, and Place wheee, the Ceeed 

was composed. 

Having observed when and where this Creed hath 
been received, we may now ascend higher, and con- 
sider when and where it was made. Our enquiries 
here will be in some measure dark and conjectural; 
strong probabilities will perhaps be as much as we can 
reach to, which made it the more necessary for me to 
begin, as I have, at the lower end, where things are 
more plain and clear, in hopes to borrow some light to 
conduct our searches into what remains still dark and 
obscure. Whatever we have to advance in this chap- 
ter must rest upon two things: — 1. Upon external 
testimony from ancient citations, manuscripts, com- 
ments, versions, and the like, such as have been pre- 
viously laid down. 2. Upon the internal characters of 
the Creed. 

1. To begin with the external evidence: — Our an- 
cient testimonies, above recited, carry up the antiquity 
of the Creed as high as the year 670, if the first of 
them be admitted for genuine, as it reasonably may, 
notwithstanding some objections. Our manuscripts, 
now extant, will bring us no higher than 700; but 
such as have been known to be extant may reach up to 
60, or even 600. This must be thought very consi- 
ble to as many as know how great a rarity a manu- 

ij)t of eleven hundred or of a thousand years date 


is, and how few books or tracts there are that can boast 
of manuscripts of such antiquity. The injuries of time, 
of dust, and of moths, and, above all, the ravages of 
war and destructions of fire, have robbed us of the 
ancient monuments, and left us but very thin remains ; 
that a manuscript of the fourth century is a very great 
rarity, of the fifth there are very few, and even of the 
sixth not many. So that our want of manuscripts 
beyond the sixth or seventh century is no argument 
against the antiquity of the Creed, however certain an 
argument may be drawn from those we have, so far 
as they reach. But, beyond all this, we have a com- 
ment of the sixth century, of the year 570, or there- 
about, and this certain and unquestionable, which may 
supersede all our disputes about the ancient testimo- 
nies or manuscripts of more doubtful authority. Here, 
then, we stand upon the foot of external evidence. 
The Creed was, about the year 570, considerable 
enough to be commented upon, like the Lord's Prayer 
and Apostles' Creed, and together with them. Here is 
certain evidence for the time specified, and presump- 
tive for much greater antiquity ; for who can imagine 
that this Creed, or indeed any Creed, should grow into 
such repute of a sudden, and not rather in a course of 
years, and a long tract of time ? Should we allow 100 
or 150 years for it, though it would be conjecture only, 
yet it would not be unreasonable or improbable conjec- 
ture. But we will let this matter rest here, and pro- 
ceed to our other marks of direction. 

2. The internal chaiacters of the Creed. The Creed 
contains two principal doctrines ; one of the Trinity, 
and the other of the Incarnation. Possibly, from the 



manner wherein these doctrines are there laid down, or 
from the words whereby they are expressed, we may 
be able to fix the true date of the Creed, or very nearly 
at least ; certain, however, thus far, that it must be 
somewhere above 570. 

Prom the doctrine of the Incarnation, as expressed 
in this Creed, we may be confident that it is not earlier 
than the rise of the ApoUinarian heresy, which ap- 
peared first about the year 360, and grew to a head 
about 370, or a little later. This Creed is so minute 
and particular against those heretics (without naming 
them, as it is not the way of the Creed to name any), 
obviating every cavil, and precluding every evasion or 
subterfuge, that one cannot suppose it to have been 
written before the depths of that heresy were perfectly 
seen into, and the whole secrets of the party disclosed, 
which we have no reason to think could be before the 
year 370, if so soon. This consideration alone is to me 
a sufl&cient confutation of those who pretend that Atha- 
nasius made this Creed either during his banishment at 
Treves, which ended in the year 338, or during his 
stay at Rome in the year 343, or that he presented it 
to Pope Julius or Pope Liberius, who were both dead 
before the year 367. 

I must add, that Epiphanius ' marks the very time 
when the Creeds first began to be enlarged in opposi- 
tion to the ApoUinarian heresy; namely, the tenth 
year of Yalentinian and Yalens, and the sixth of Gra- 
tian (it should be seventh), which faUs in with a.d. 373, 
the very last year of Athanasius's life, according to 
those that place his death the latest ; some say he died 
• EpipliaD., Aneoratut, o. 121, p. 123. 


a year or two sooner. If, therefore, he made this 
Creed at all, it must be about that time ; and, indeed, 
were there no stronger objections against the antiquity 
of the Creed, or against its being made by Athanasius, 
than the common objection about the supposed con- 
demnation of the Nestorian and Eutychian heresies, 
I should scarce think it at all improbable that Athana- 
sius should be the author, admitting that he lived 
to the year 373 ; for Epiphanius's larger Creed, made 
about that time, appears to me as full and express 
against both those heresies as the Athanasian can be 
supposed to be, and in some respects more so ; and yet 
neither of those heresies were then in being, nor for 
many years after. But there are many other reasons 
which convince me that the Athanasian Creed must be 
placed lower than this time. I take Epiphanius's 
larger Creed to have been the first that enlarged the 
Article of the Incarnation, in opposition chiefly to 
the Apollinarians ; and that Creed being drawn up, as 
Epiphanius expressly testifies, by the joint advice of 
all the orthodox Bishops and the whole Catholic Church, 
became a kind of rule or model for most of the Creeds 
that cume atter, among which I reckon the Athanasian. 

For, from the doctrine of the Trinity, as particularly 
and minutely drawn out in that Creed, it is to me very 
plain, that it must be some years later than the Creed 
of Epiphanius, which will evidently appear to any man 
who will be at the pains to compare the two Creeds 

One very observable particular is the manner of ex- 
pressing the IFnity by a singular adjective : Uhtcs ater- 
ntiSy Units immenmSy 8fo, : ** one eternal, one incomprehen- 



sible," &c., and the condemning the expression of Tres 
aterni^ Tres immemi, Sfc, The Greeks never laid down 
any such rule of expression, never observed or followed 
it, but have sometimes run counter to it^, meaning, 
indeed, the very same thing, but not so expressing it. 
As to the Latins, we shall find none of them (at least, 
I have not observed any) coming into that way of ex- 
pression before Ambrose*' and Faustinus^ (in the years 
381 and 384), who are the first that use it, and that 
but once, or very sparingly, not repeating and incul- 
cating it, like the Athanasian Creed, nor leaving it 
destitute of explication. But St. Austin, afterwards, 
in his books of the Trinity, in the fifth especially, en- 
larges in justification of this rule of expression, and is 
full and copious upon it. His proofs, illustrations, ex- 
ample, and authority gave new strength and credit to 
this rule, which might then pass current, and become 
fit to appear, without farther explication, in a Creed. 
For this reason, principally, I incline to think that 
this Creed was not made before St. Austin's books of 
the Trinity were public (which was not tiU 416), or 
not before 420, or thereabout, to allow some time for 

^ TpiSov kviipav fivfipov (TvfKpvtay. — Greg. Nazianz. inBapt., 
Oral. xl. c. 47, p. 668. 

c ** Ergo Sanctus Pater, Sanctus Filius, Sanotus et Spiritus : sed 
non tres Saiicti, quia unus est Deus Sanotus, unus est Dominus. 
Una est etenim vera Sanctitas, sicut una est vera Divinitas, u)>a 
ilia vera Sanctitas naturalis." — Ambros., de Sp. S., lib. iii. c. 16, 
vol. ii. p. 688. 

<> ** Sed ne duos omnipotentes intelligas, praecavendum est : licet 
enim et Pater sit omnipotens, et Filius, tatnen unus est omni- 
potens, sicut et unus est Deus : quia Patris et Filii eadem OmDi- 
potentia est, sicut et eadem Deitas," &c. ..." Ostenditur Unitas 
Divinitatis in Patre et Filio, sicut et OmnipotentiaB, et quicquid 
omniiio Divinse Substantise est ; hoc solo differcDS a Patre Filius, 
quo«i ille Pater est, et Hie Filius." — Fauittin., de TriniL, c. 3 

ip. 123, 124) ; in liibl Max, PP., vol. v. p. 646. 


«ta^H^^^H^^BV^^^B^^Bi^^lV^^B^^i^^^^^^HB^aM^>^— ^H^H^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^B^^B^B^BHB^V^B^a^^Ma^^MV^H^— ^^^i^Baai^^lV^i^B^l«aM^M^^i^M^^iHM^H^BMHa«h 

his works to be read, considered, approved, and to gain 
a general esteem. If it be said that St. Austin might 
as well copy from this Creed as the Creed from him, 
I say, No, for the reason is different. Creeds and other 
the like formularies which are to be put into every 
one's hands, and spread round about, ought not to con« 
tain anything till it has been maturely weighed, long 
cont^idered, and fully explained, as well as proved, and 
generally acknowledged by the Churches of Christ. It 
is, therefore, much more reasonable to believe that 
St. Austin's writings should go first, and a general ap« 
probation of them in that particular ; and then the 
Creed might conveniently follow, the way being now 
opened for it *. 

I may observe the like of another Article of the 
Athanasian Creed, namely, the Procession from the Son 
— a doctrine entertained, indeed, both by Greeks and 
Latins (as may appear by the testimonies commonly 
cited for that purpose), and expressed frequently in 
sense, though rarely in terms, but such as came not to 
be much inculcated or insisted upon till St. Austin un- 
dertook to assert and clear it, and to render it less 
liable to any dispute hereafter. For which reason the 
modem Greeks have looked upon him, in a manner, as 
the father of that doctrine, being at least the principal 

* Combefi^, speaking to this point, seemed inclinable to suppose 
that St. Austin bad borrowed from the Greed ; but correcting him- 
self afterwards, he supposes rather that the Creed borrowed irom 
him. His words are these : — 

** Ejus Symboii, sou Formulsa Fidei, antiquitatem produnt illi 
ejus versiculi quos totidem verbis habet Au^^usc. in Libris de Trini- 
tate et ahbi, quos non aliunde desumpsisse videatur quam ex eo 
Hymbulo . . . Quanquam nihil veiat dioere ipsum potius Symboli 
Auctorem ex Augustino, aliisque P.P. sua consaroluasde." — Com- 
behsy 7iot. in. Calec. j Auctar., vol. ii. p. 296. 


man that brought it into vogue, however weakly they 
may pretend that he invented it. Thus far is certain, 
that his elaborate arguments and solid proofs from 
Scripture of the truth and of the importance of the doc- 
trine made it pass the more readily, and gave it credit 
and authority enough to have a place in a standing 
Creed or Confession, which is to me another argument 
of the Creed's being made after St. Austin's writings 
were well known in the world, in that place, at least, 
where the Creed was made. From the premises, then, 
I presume to infer, that the Athanasian Creed is not 
eai^lier than the year 420. 

I will next endeavour to shew, that it cannot rea- 
sonably be set lower than the Eutychian times, not 
later than the Council of Chalcedon, or than the year 
451 ; and this also I shall attempt from the internal 
characters of the Creed in like manner as above. 

1. There is not a word in the Creed directly and 
plainly expressing two natures in Christ, or excluding 
one nature, which critical terms against the error of 
Eutyches are very rarely or never omitted in the Creeds 
drawn up in the Eutychian times, or the times imme- 
diately following. *Tis txue, there is in the Athana- 
sian Creed what may be sufficient to obviate or preclude 
the Eutychian heresy, as there is also in the larger 
Creed of Epiphanius, a.d. 373, and in the works of 
Kazianzen and Ambrose, about the year 380, and in 
Pelagius's Creed, a.d. 417, and in the writings of Aus- 
tin and Vincentius of Lerins, both before the year 435, 
many years before Eutyches. The strongest expres- 
^^^jLon of the Creed against the Eutychians, and which 
^^^ks been most frequently urged in this case, is, Unu9 


omnino, non confusione substantia, sed unitate persona : 
**Oiie altogether, not by confusion of substance, but by 
unity of person:" wMcb yet is used by • Yincentius ', 
and by Austin?, too, almost in terms. And if this be 
no reason for making either of those authors, or the 
Tracts ascribed to them, later than Eutyches, why shall 
the like expression be of any force in respect to the 
Athanasian Creed ? There is nothing in the Creed but 
what was common and ordinary in Catholic writers 
before the Eutychian times ; but there are wanting 
those critical, distinguishing terms of two natures, or 
one nature, necesseiry to be inserted in the Creeds after 
these times, and never, or very rarely, omitted ; which 
is one reason, and a very considerable one, for setting 
the date of the Creed higher than 451. 

2. Another argument of the same thing, near akin 
to the former, is, that this Creed makes no mention of 
Christ being consubstantial with us in one nature, as 
He is consubstantial with the Father in another: 
a tenet expressly held by some of the ecclesiastical 
writers before Eutyches' time, but seldom or never 
omitted in the Creeds or Confessions about that time, 
or after. To be convinced of the truth both of this 
and of the preceding Article, one need but look into 
the Creeds and Eormularies of those times; namely, 
into that of Turribius of Spain in 447, of Flavian of 
Constantinople, as also of Pope Leo in 449, of the 
Chalcedon Council in 451, of Pope Felix III. in 485, 

' " Unus autem, non . . . Divinitatis et Humanitatis confusione, 
sed . . . unitate personsB." — Vincent. Lerin., c. 19, p. 46 (p. 58). 

» " Idem Deus qui Homo et qui Deus, idem Homo ; non confu- 
sione naturae, sed unitate personae." — August., ,Serm. 186, Nat. 
Dom. iii., in voL v. p. 885. 


and Anastasins II. in 496, and of the Charch of Alex- 
andria in the same year; as also into those of Pope 
Hormisdas, and the Churches of Syria, and Fulgentins, 
and the Emperor Justinian, and Pope John II., and 
Pope Pelagius I., within the sixth century. In all 
which we shall find either express denial of one nature, 
or express affirming of two natures, or the doctrine of 
Christ*s consubstantiality with us, or all three toge- 
ther, though they are all omitted in the Athanasian 
Creed. This is to me a second reason for setting our 
Creed higher than the Eutychian times. 

3. I may argue this point further from a passage of 
the Athanasian Creed, running thus: ''One, not by 
conversion of the Godhead into flesh, but by taking of 
the manhood into Grod." This would not, I conceive, 
have run in these words, or in this manner, in the Euty- 
chian times. For though the Eutychians were sometimes 
(as well as the Apollinarians often) charged with the 
doctrine of a " conversion of the Grodhead into flesh," yet 
nothing is more certain than that the generality of them 
absolutely disowned and detested any such tenet, teach- 
ing rather **a conversion of the manhood into Grod," just 
the reverse. And, by the way, I would here offer it 
to the learned reader to consider, whether we may not 
from hence give a probable account of a very noted 
variation observable in many of the most ancient copies 
of this Creed, which run thus : Uhus autem, non con- 
versione Dwinitatis in came, sed <M9umptione Humamta- 
lis in Deo : where there is came for camem, and Deo 
for Deum. A slight alteration in the words, but a very 
t one in the sense. A change of the Godhead in 
flesh the Eutychians admitted, by making the two 


natures become one, though they allowed not a change 
into flesh : so that by this little alteration of carne for 
eameniy the Creed would strike more directly at the 
Eutychian principles. Then, again, as to Bmm^ if that 
reading was to stand, the Creed, instead of confuting 
the Eutychians, would seem rather to favour them ; for 
they taught that the manhood was assumed into God, 
and that in so literal and strict a sense as really to 
become God, or to be absorbed and lost in the Divine 
nature, both natures becoming one Divine nature. 
Such' a construction might the words of the Creed be 
liable to. But put Beo for Beum^ and it is entirely de 
feated ; for then the sense is not that the manhood is 
assumed into God, but that God assumed the human 
nature ; which is true, and not liable to any such mis- 
construction as the other. However this be, as to the 
variation of the copies, and the reason here assigned 
for it (which I offer only as a probable conjecture to be 
further enquired into), yet this is certain, that these 
words of the Creed, according to the common copies, 
are not so cautiously or accurately chosen as they 
might, or would have been, had the Creed been drawn 
up after the Eutychian times. 

4. A fourth argument may be drawn from the simi- 
litude in the Creed, running thus : ** As the reasonable 
soul and flesh is one man, so God and man is one 
Christ.*' This familiar and easy comparison was much 
made use of by the Catholics, down from the Apollina- 
rian times to the time of Eutyches: by Nazianzen, 
Austin, Vincentius, Claudianus Mamertus, and others. 
But no sooner did the Eutychians wrest the comparison 
to their own sense, pleading for one nature in Christ, 


like as soul and body make one nature in man, but the 
Catholics grew strangely averse to the similitude, and 
rarely made use of it ; or when they did, it was either 
to dispute against it and condemn it, or else to guard 
and qualify it with proper cautions and restrictions. 
Wherefore it is by no means probable that this simili- 
tude would have been inserted at such a time in 
a Catholic Creed, and there left without guard or cau- 
tion for the Eutychians to make an ill use of. This 
fourth argument I take from the learned and acute Le 
Quien, whose words may be seen in the margin \ And 
may we not from hence give a probable guess at the 
reason why the ancient manuscript of Treves, and the 
Colbertine copied from it, have entirely omitted this 
similitude, throwing in a few words, both before and 
after, to salve the breach, in some measure, and to pre- 
serve a connexion : which shews that it was no casual 
omission, but made with design. But I pass on. 

These reasons convince me that the Creed was not 
made so late as the Council of Chalcedon, but before 
the year 451. It cannot therefore be ascribed to Vigi- 
lius Tapsensis in the year 484 ; not to mention that 
the phraseology of it agrees not with that writer's 
usual manner of expression, as Le Quien hath ob- 

h «Quod quidem simile, quo Theologus etiam, aliique Patres 
Apollinaristas confiitarant, tanti posthac non fecenint insequentis 
seu quinti saeculi desinentis doctores, ut illud in Expositione Fidei 
iosererent ; cum Monophysitse, Severo prsesertim duce, eo vehe- 
mentius contra Catholioos pugnarent, ut unam in Christo naturam 
«K Deitate et Humanitate compositam evincerent. Quinimo 
^ ingenii vires explicare cnacti sunt, ut varias discrepantias 
mt inter unionem Deitatis cum Humanitate in Chnsto, et 
i anim» cum corpore in homine." — Le Quien, Dissert, 
, p. 10; compare Petav., de Incam., lib. iii. o. 9, &c., 
L Theoli ToL y. p. 135, Ac. 


served K Besides that the principal reasons on which 
Quesnel rested his opinion in regard to that author are 
now found to have been grounded on a false presump- 
tion of certain works being Vigilius's which are none 
of his K And I may add, that to me there does not 
appear in Yigilius's pieces anything of that strength, 
closeness, and acuteness, which we find in the Athana- 
sian Creed. 

But I proceed to shew that this Creed is earlier than 
even the times of Nestorius, or the Ephesine Council of 
the year 431. It is certain that this Creed does not 
condemn the Nestorian heresy in such full, direct^ cri- 
tical terms as the Catholics found to be necessary 
against the wiles and subtleties of those men. There 
is not a word of the Mother of God, or of one Son only, 
in opposition to two sons, or of God's being born, suf- 
fering, dying : which kind of expressions the Creeds 
are full of after Nestorius's times, and after the Council 
of Ephesus, to guard the more certainly against equivo- 
cations, and to express the Catholic doctrine in strong 
terms, such as could not be eluded. As to what the 
Athanasian Creed really does express, and is conceived 
to strike directly at the Nestorian heresy, it is demon- 
stration that the words are not more full or expressive 

^ ** Sunt qui suspicentur expositionem istam Fidei fuisse ooncin- 
natam a Vigilio Tapsensi, qui scripsisse existimatur libros tres con- 
tra Yarimadum Arianum: sed ab illorum opinione me deterruit 
versus iste, Unus omnino, non confusione substantisd, sed uaitate 
personse. Nam Vigilius in libris quinque contra Eutychem nus- 
quam unitatem personse dicit, sed passim, et frequentissime uuio- 
nem personsa . . . Cumque varise supersint hodie Vigilii Tapsensis 
Confessiones Fidei de Trinitate et lucamatione, nulla earum simili- 
tudo et convenientia cum Symbolo Athanasiano, quoad stylum 
animadvertitur." — Le Quien, Dissert Damasc.f p. 9. 

^ Yid Montf., DiatrU)., p. 724 ; Antelm., Disquis., pp. 33, 84. 


tluin maj be fotind in elder Creeds, and in the Fathers 
that wrote against the Apollinarians and others, before 
erer Nestorios was heard ofK I know not how to 
gire mj reader a clear and jnst idea of this whole mat- 
ter, but bj setting down in chronological order the 
doctrine of the Incarnation, as expressed in Catholic 
writings from the Apollinarian times down to the 
Ifestorian, from the year 373 to the year 431. One 
thing onlj I would remark beforehand, to make the 
following account the clearer, that the Apollinarians 
reallj held a doctrine yery near akin to that which 
afterwards was called Eutychian, and they maliciously 
charged the Catholics with that very doctrine, which 
was afterwards called Nestorian ; so that the Catholics, 
in their charge upon the Apollinarians, condemned the 
Eutychian doctrine long before Eutyches ; and, in their 
defence of themselves, they also condemned the Nesto- 
rian tenets before Nestorius. I shall first justify the 
truth of this remark in both its parts, and then shall 
proceed farther to what I intend. 

As to the first part, that the Apollinarians held 
a doctrine very near akin to that which was after- 
wards called Eutychian, it is a thing so well known, 
that I need not cite many testimonies for it. It was 
ono of the commonest charges against the Eutychians, 
that they had revived the heresy of the Apollina- 

1 Le Quien ii beforehand with me in the observation, whose 
words I may here cite :— 

*' Neo ouiquam negotium facessat, quod Nestorii et Eutychis 

M ea (formula) prius poisundatte essent, quam ipsarum auc- 

•mergerent. Alibi ■Iquidem ostensum mit SS. Patres, qui 

Apollinarium calamum strinxerant, disertissimis etiam 

amDorum impietates prosoripsia&e."— Le Quien, DitterL 

p. 9. 


nans" in Bome considerable branches of it: Petavius 
briefly shews what those branches were ". 

As to the other part of m j remark, that the Apol- 
linarians charged the Catholics with the opposite ex- 
treme, afterward called I^estorian, that has not been 
80 much observed, but is no less true than the other ; 
as may abundantly appear from the testimonies in the 
margin ®, besides others that will occur as we pass along. 
This also is observed by Le Quien in his I^otes to 
Damaseen >>* ; whereupon he rightly infers, that it will 
be a false conclusion to argue that such or such writings 
must belong to the Nestorian times, only because of 
their treating of an unity of person in Christ. 

"■ "Eutyohes . . . per impios veterum hsereticoram volutatus 
errores^ tertium Apollinaris dogma delegit; ut n^gata huma&sB 
camis atque animiB veritate^ totum Dominum nostrum Jesum 
Christum unius asserat esse naturse, tanquam verbi Deitas ipsa 
se in camem animamque oonverterit."— Leon. £pi8t. 97) p. 633; 
of. £t>. 134, p. 699. 

■ " Sane oum et multiplex, et ab autore suo interpolata sepius 
ApoUinaris bsBresis fiierit, ut capite sexto docuimus ; ea parte oum 
isto Gonsensit Eutyohes, qua camem Cbristi non ex utero sumptam 
B. Virginis sed e C»lo dekpnam ApoUinaris credidit : tum qua- 
tenuB uterque unicam naturam aaseveravit, et utriusque permisiam 
ao ooofusam substantiam." — Petav., de iTusarn., lib. i. c. 15 ; in 
Dogmat. Theol., vol. v. p. 37- 

o ** Neque vero alium Jesum Christum, alium verbum dicimus, 
ut nova hseresis calumniator, sed eundem, et ante ssBCula, et post 
Bscula, et ante mundum et post Mariam ; imo ex Maria magnum 
Deum appellamus.'* — Hieronym., in Tit., c. 3, vol. iv. p. 481. 

**Qui Apollinarii dogmata defendunt, per querimoniam quam 
adversus nos faoiunt sua confirmare conantur, carnale verbum et 
dominum seeculorum, hominis Filium immortalem Filii Deitatem 
construentes. Profenmt enim quod aliqui quasi EcclesisB Catholicas 
existentes, duos colimt Filios in dogmate ; unum quidem secundum 
naturam, alter um autem secundum adoptionem postea acquisitam ; 
nesdo a quo talia audientcfi . . . nondum enim novi eum qui bsec 
subloquitur."— Gregor. Nyssen., quoted in Harduin, vol. iii. p. 106, 
Concif. V. Collat. 6. Cf. Ambros., de Incarn, Sacram., c. 7, p. 721 ; 
Athanas^ Epist. ad EpicUt., p. 454 (p. 497). 

P "Ad Nestoriana tempera revocandi non sunt omnes libri qui- 
bus de una Christi persona diroutandum eflt."--Le Quien, Not. in 
Damaseen. de Hter,, voL i. p. 95. 


These things premised, I now proceed to lay down 
the doctrine of the Incarnation as expressed in Catholic 
writers from the year 373, down to the year 431, 

I begin with the larger Creed of Epiphanius, which 
sets forth the Incarnation in the following terms : — 

373. *'The Word was made flesh, not by under- 
going any change, nor by converting his Godhead into 
manhood, but by co-uniting it into his one holy per- 
fection and Godhead. Eor there is one Lord Jesus 
Christ, and not two ; the same He is God, the same 
He Lord, the same He King**." 

Here we may observe that the Creed guards, just as 
the Athanasian does, against the two extremes : against 
the Apollinarian notion of the Godhead being con- 
verted into flesh, and against the Apollinarian calumny 
that the Catholics made two Christs instead of one. 

380. Gregory Nazianzen, not long after, expresses 
himself in terms to the like effect: — *'We divide not 
the man from the Godhead, but we make them one and 
the same (person) .... If any one imagines Mary not 
to be the mother of God, he has no part with God. . . . 
If any man introduces two Sons, one of God and the 
Pather, and a second of the Virgin Mother, and not 
one and the same Him, let him forfeit the adoption 
of sons promised to true believers : for God and man 

^ *0 yiip \6yos cdp^ iy4vtT0, oh Tp<nrhv 6iro<rriLs, od8i fi^ra-' 
jSa\ii)i' T^v iavTov OtSrriTa us itydponrdTifra' tlf fiiav avvtvdaavra 
iavrov ayiav r€\€i6rriTd Tf Koi OfSrrjra' cfs ydp iariv K6ptos 
*lri(rovs Xpiarhs koiX ob fi^o, 6 aitrhs Sths, 6 abrbs K^pios, 6 a^hs 
BaaiKtvs. — Epiph., Ancorattis, o. 21, p. 124. This Creed is given 
At length by Dr, Heurtley, in De Ftde et SymbolOf pp. 13—15. 


are indeed two natures, like as soul and body; but 
they are not two Sons, nor (two) Gods '." 

Here, again, wo find the Nestorian tenets very fully 
obviated, while Nazianzen is answering the ApoUinarian 
calumny against the Catholics : and at the same time, 
the Eutychian heresy (afterwards so called) is as plainly 
precluded, while Nazianzen is laying down the Church's 
faith in two natures against the Apollinarians who 
made but one. 

382. Ambrose, in like manner, confutes the Apol- 
linarians, without naming them: — ** We ought also to 
condemn those, who, in another extreme, teach not one 
and the same Son of God, but that He who is begotten 
of God the Father, is one, and he that is generated of 
the Virgin, another: when the Evangelist saith that 
the Word was made flesh, to instruct us that there is 
but one Lord Jesus, not two. . , . There are others risen 
up who pretend that our Lord's flesh and Godhead 
are both of one nature. . . . And when they say that the 
Word was converted into flesh, hairs, blood, and bones, 
and changed from its own nature, after such a pre- 
tended change of the Divine nature, they may take the 
handle to wrest anything to the weakness of the God- 
head which belongs to the infirmity of the flesh •." 

' Ow8i y^p rhv Mpartrov j(upl^ofA€v rris dtSrnros, iW* $ya 
KoH rhv avrbv 9oyfiarl(o/i€v, . . . cf rts ol $€ot6kov riiv Mapiav 
{nroXafjL^AvUf x^P^^ ^^^^ "^^^ dtSrriTot, ... elf ris €lad'y€i i^o ulohs 
^va fihv rhv ix Stov kcu narpbsf itvrtpov 8i rhv iK rffS /XTfrphs, 
&AA.' ovxl ^va Ka\ rhv ainhv, koI rrjs vio6t(rlas iKir4<roi rr^s ^mjy- 
yeXfiii'Tis rots opBSos iri(rre{fov(n, ^6(r€is fA^v yhp 9vo Sths Kal Hv' 
OpanroSf hrtl koI ^xh 'cat (rw/ua, viol Jik o^ 8<$o, 0^8^ Otol. — 
Gregor. NsiziaDz., Orat, 51, Ep. i. ad Cledon., p. 738. 

■ ** Et illos condemnare debemus qui adversa erroris linea, non 
unum eundemque Filium Dei diount, sed alium esse qui ex Deo 


Ambrose seems here to intimate as if there were 
really some at that time who had run into that very- 
error which the ApoUinarians charged upon the Ca- 
tholics, and which was afterwards called Nestorian. 
However that be, he condemns it in the name of 
the Catholics; as he condemns also the Apollinarian 
extreme, which afterwards became Eutychian. There 
is another passage of Ambrose cited by Theodoret, 
seemingly so full and express against the IN'estorian 
and Eutychian heresies, that one can hardly be per- 
suaded to think it really Ambrose's. But, on the other 
hand, it appears to be so well attested, that the late 
learned editor of Ambrose could not but yield to place 
it among his genuine Works, vol, ii. p. 729, 

417. There is a Creed of Pelagius (as learned men 
now agree) inserted among the works both of Jerome* 
and Austin". It was made several years before the 
Nestorian controversy. Our learned Dr. Wall has trans- 
lated it into English ^, subjoining some excellent notes 
of his own to it. I shall transcribe as much as is to 
our purpose ; — ** We do in such a manner hold that 
there is in Christ one person of the Son, as that we say 
there are in Him two perfect and entire substances 

Patre natus sit, alium qui sit generatus ex virgiue ; cum Evaoge- 
lista dicat quia verbum caro factum est, ut unum Dominum Jesum 
non duos crederes . . . emei^nt alii qui camem Domini diuant et 
divinitatem unius esse naturae . . . Deinde, cum isti dicant quia ver- 
bum in camem, capillos, sanguinem, et ossa conversum est, et a na* 
tura propria mutatum est, datur illis locus ut infirmitatem car. 
nis ad infirmitatem divinitatis, quadam facta divinse naturae mu- 
tatione, detorqueant." — Ambros., de Incarn. Sctcram., c. 6, vol. ii. 
pp. 714, 715. 

' Hieronym., vol. v. p. 123 : where it is called Symbdum Damcui. 

™ Augustin., Serm. 236, vol. v. App., p. 388. 

▼ Wall's History of Inf. Bapt., part i. a 19 : voL L p. 406 
(p. 200). 


(or natures), viz., of the Godhead, and of the manhood 
which consists of soul and body. . . . We do abhor .... 
the blasphemy of those who go about by a new inter- 
pretation to maintain that since the time of His taking 
flesh, all things pertaining to the Divine nature did pass 
into the man [or manhood], and so also that all things 
belonging to the human nature were transferred into 
God [or the Divine nature] ; from whence would follow 
(a thing no heresy ever offered to affirm) that both sub- 
stances [or natures], viz., of the Divinity and huma- 
nity, would by this confusion seem to be extinguished, 
and to lose their proper state, and be changed into 
another thing. So that they who own in the Son an 
imperfect God and an imperfect man, are to be ac- 
counted not to hold truly either God or man." 

Dr. "Wall hereupon judiciously remarks, that there 
wanted only the accuracy of speaking, which Pelagius 
had here used, to clear and settle the dispute between 
the Nestorians and Eutychians. I would remark far- 
ther, that if Pelagius*8 Creed, in the year 417, had 
so plainly obviated both the Nestorian and Eutychian 
heresy before Nestorius or Eutyches was known, it may 
easily be conceived that the Athanasian Greed might do 
the same thing at or about the same time. 

422. I might next shew how St. Austin likewise has 
expressed himself in as strong terms against both those 
heresies, as the Athanasian Creed has done ; but, be- 
cause I shall have another occasion to cite the passages, 
where I draw out a select number of expressions pa- 
rallel to those of the Creed, I may spare myself the 
trouble of doing it here. 

426. I might go on to observe what passed in the 


case of Leporius, a man of the same principles, in the 
main, with Nestorius, but some years before him. His 
recantation treatise (Ltbellus Satisfactionis), supposed 
to be drawn up by St. Austin in the year 426, would 
furnish me with many full and strong expressions 
against the Nestorian principles beyond any to be met 
with in the Athanasian Creed ; so that there is no 
just argument to be drawn from any expressions in 
that Creed for setting it so low as the Nestorian times. 
431. I shall conclude this account with the recital 
of a Creed made about the same time, or in the same 
year, that the Council of Ephesus was held against 
Nestorius. It is the Creed of John, Patriarch of An- 
tioch, approved by Cyril of Alexandria, and thought 
sufficient to wipe off all suspicion of Nestorianism from 
the author of it. It runs thus : ** We confess, then, 
that Jesus Christ our Lord, the only-begotten Son of 
God, is perfect God and perfect man, of a reasonable 
soul and body ; bom of the Father before the worlds, 
as touching his Godhead ; the same also in the end of 
days, for us and for our salvation, (born) of the Virgin 
Mary, as touching His manhood, consubstantial with 
us according to His manhood. But there was an union 
made of two natures, on which account we profess one 
Christ, one Lord, one Son. Conformable to this sense 
of an union without confusion, we acknowledge the 
Holy Virgin as Mother of God, because that God the 
"Word was incarnate and made man, and from the very 
conception united to Himself a temple which He had 
taken of her V 

* *0^o\oyovixcv roiyapovv rhv K{>piou thjlwv ^Itiaovv Xpiffrhi^ rhf 
vihv Tov &€ov rhi^ fAOvoycv^, Qfhv r4Kuov koX &vdponroy r4\eioy ix 


Here we may observe several expressions nearly re- 
sembling tbose of the Athansian Creed; but withal 
several others more particular and explicit against the 
Nestorian principles than that Creed is : one Son, and 
Him consubstantial with us, in respect of his man- 
hood ; the Virgin, Mother of God, and the like. Such 
is the constant strain and tenor of the Creeds, and 
Confessions, and Catholic writings, treating of the In- 
carnation, at this time and after : as might be shewn 
at large from Cassian about 431, and Yincentius in 
the year 434, and from Flavian, and Pope Leo I., and 
others before the Council of Chalcedon. We have 
therefore very great reason to believe, that the Athana- 
sian Creed was drawn up either before the Nestorian 
controversy, had made much noise in the world, or, at 
lesist, before the compiler had notice of it. The sum, 
then, of my argument is this : there is nothing in the 
Athanasian Creed but what might have been said, and 
had been said, by Catholic writers before the time of 
iN'estorius ; but the Creed wants many of those parti- 
cular and critical expressions which came into use 
after that time ; therefore, since the internal characters 
of the Creed suit exactly with the ApoUinarian times, 
and not with the ITestorian, it ought to be placed 

if^wX^s \oyiicri5 Kol ffd>ixaTos, irph aidtvwv ixkv iK rov Uarphs yevvriBiv- 
Ttt Kord. i^v dedrrira, itr* iax<^r(av 5^ rav rififpav rhv avrhv 5i* rjl^as 
Kol 5iA T^v fiiJi.€T€pav ffamipiav ix Mapias ttjs rrapdevov kutcL t^v 
ikvdp(im67rtra' dfiooiffiov r^ TJarpl rhv ainhv Karh t^v 0€6rrjTaf Kal 
dfioo^fftov rifxtv Korb. r^v avdpwwdri^ra, h6o yap <f>va'€(i}V cvuforis 
y4yov€* Sih Kal €va Xpiffrhvt eva vihv, tva K6ptov dfioKoyoufiev, 
Karh. ra^rriv t^$ kavyx^frov ivuxr^ws ivvoiav, dfioKoyovfitv r^v 
ayiav irapB4vov 0€or6KOVf hih rh rhy @fhv \6yov (rapKtobriyai, Kal 
ivavOpcffirriaai, Kal i^ avTrjs r^s aoWiirlfius ivwaai kaxn^ Thv 4^ 
avTjis X.Ti<t>64ura va6v, — Johan. Antiooh., in Kouth's Opusc, vol ii. 
p. 206. 


somewhere between Apollinarius and I^estorius, not 
lower than 430 or 431 at the utmost. And it is some 
confirmation of what hath been said, that Yenantius 
Portunatus, who lived in the Eutychian times, and 
commented upon this Creed about the year 570, as 
before observed, yet in his comment takes not the least 
notice of any part of this Creed being opposed to the 
errors of Kestorius or Eutyches, but only to those elder 
heresies of Sabellius, Anus, and Apollinarius, whom 
he specially makes mention of. I persuade myself, 
therefore, that this Creed ought not to be placed lower 
than 430, or thereabout ; and I have before shewn 
why it should not be set higher than 420 ; so that now 
we have brought it within the compass of ten years, 
where we may let it rest awhile till we consider farther 
what place or country the Creed was most probably 
composed in, which may help us to settle the time of 
its date within somewhat stricter and narrower limits 
than before. 

There is great reason to believe that this Creed wa3 
made in Gaul. The considerations which persuade us 
thereto are these following : — 1. Its early reception in 
the Gallican Church, so far as appears, before all other 
Churches. 2. The great esteem and regard anciently 
paid to it by the Gallican Councils and Bishops'. 
3. The Creed's being first admitted into the Gallican 
Psalter, and first received in those countries where that 
Psalter was received, as in Spain, Germany, and Eng- 

7 ''Tanti namque apud GalloR Symbolum hoc fuit ut una cum 
Svrabolo Apostolorum memori» commendari Presbyteris prseoipiat 
Hiucmarus idem in capituUs, Olericis omnibus Synodus Augusto- 
dunenBia."— S'rmond., on Theodulpk. de Sp. S., vol. ii. p. 978; of. 
Antelm., p. 80. 


land. As the Galilean Churehes delivered their Psalter 
to other Churches, so is it reasonable to believe that 
the Creed was received from them likewise. 4. The 
oldest version we hear of is Gallican, in the time of 
Hincmar. 5. The oldest authors that make mention 
of it are likewise Galilean ; for proof of which I refer 
to the ancient testimonies above. 6. The first that 
cite the words of it (as it seems) are likewise Galilean. 
I will here mention two : Avitus of Vienne, in Gaul ', 
and CsBsarius of Aries '. I have set their words in the 
margin. 7. The oldest commentator upon it, though 
an Italian by birth and education, had yet travelled 
into France, and was at length Eishop of Poictiers. 
8. The number and antiquity of the manuscripts of 
this Creed found in France confirm the same thing; 
which' has made several very learned men subscribe to 

* The words of Avitus Yiennensis^ who was Bishop in 490, died 
in 523 :— 

** De Divinitate Spiritus Sanoti, quern nee factum legimus, neo 
creatum, nee genitum."— In Sirmond., vol. ii. p. 159. **No8 vero 
Spiritum discimus ex Patre et Filio prooedere. . . Sicut est proprium 
Spiritui Se^icto a Patre Filioque prooedere, istud Fides Uatnolica 
etiamsi renuentibus non persuaserit, in suae tamen Disciplinse Regula 
non excedit." — Le Quien, Panopl. contr. Schism. Orcec, cent. xi. 
c. 4, § 2, p. 241. 

"^on nisi ex eodem Symbolo, quod jam ante receptum essety 
Avitus Viennensis alicubi scribebat De Divinitate Sp. S.," &o. — 
Le Qnien, Dissert. Damascen.t p* 98. 

• The words of Cnsarius, wno was Bishop in 503, died in 543 : — 
** Rogo et admoneo vos, Fratres carissimi, ut Quicunque vult 

Salvus esse, Fidem rectam et Catholicam discat, firmiter teneat, 
inviolatamque conservet. . . . Deus Pater, Deus Filius, Deus et 
Spiritus Sanctus : sed tamen non tres Dii, sed unus Deus. Qualis 
Pater, talis Filius, talis et Spiritus Sanctus. Attamen oredat unus- 
quisque Fidelis quod Filius sequalis est Patri secundum Divinita- 
tem, et minor est Patre secimdum humanitatem carnis, quam 
de nostro assumpsit." — Csesar. Arelat. ; in August., vol. v. App., 
p. 399. 

N.B. The editors of St. Austin adjudge this to Csesarius; as does 
also Oudinus, ComvieTU. de Scriptor. EccL, vol. i. p. 1348. 



this opinion^, that the Athanasian Creed came first 
from Gaul. And it is certain that no other country or 
Church in the world has so fair, I may now say so 
clear, a pretence to it. Many circumstances concur to 
make good their title, as we have already seen ; and 
more will appear in my next chapter, when I come to 
enquire who was the author. 

Let it be allowed then, for the present, that our 
Creed was originally Gallican, and made between 420 
and 430. We may next consider, whether we cannot 
come a little nearer towards fixing the time of its 
composition. We must point out some season when 
St. Austin's works were known, and studied, and well 
esteemed of in Gaul ; and when the circumstances of 
the place might the most probably give occasion for 
the compiling such a Creed. ITow it is observable that, 
about the year 426, St. Austin held a very close and 
intimate correspondence with the Gallican Churches. 
Leporius had for some time spread false doctrine in 
Gaul, chiefly relating to the Incarnation. His heresy 
was much the same with what ITestorius's was after- 

b " Cseterum cum ex allatis supra testimoniis videatur in Galliis 
primum celebrari coepisse hoc Symbolum, baud abs re conjectant 
eruaiti viri, in Galliis illud fuisse elucubratum. Quod item forte 
Buadeat antiquissimus ille in Q^illiis et in Anglia mos Symboli 
alternatim concinendi ; item que MSS. Gallicanorum copia et an- 
tiquitas."— Montfauc, Diairib.t p. 726. 

'* £. Gallis primum prodiisse Symbolum Athanaslanum animad* 
vertimus, turn quod a Gallis soriptoribus ante omnes celebratum, 
a Synodis Episcopisque Galliarum receptum, et commendatum 
antiquitus f uerit, turn etiam quod Treviris in Galliarum Metropoli 
illud lucubratum fuisse opinio inorebuerit. Quapropter Pitboeus, 
ac Vossius, aliique eruditissimi viri Galium bominem Symbol! pa- 
rentem opinati sunt ; Antelmius vero, hac potissiraum ratione due- 
tust non V igilium in Africa Episcopum, sed Vincentium Lirinensem 
Opusculi bujus auctorem afnrmavit.'* — Murator., Anecd., vol. iL 
p. 229. 


wards. The Gallican bishops censured him; and he 
was forced to quit his country, having giving general 
offence to all there. He took his leave of Gaul, and 
passed over into A&ica, with several others of the same 
party and principles; where lighting upon Aurelius, 
Bishop of Carthage, and St. Austin^ he was by them 
brought to a sense of his error, and induced to sign 
a full recantation, called LihelhM Satkfactionis ; where- 
upon 8t. Austin, and Aurelius, and other AMcan bi- 
shops, became intercessors with the Hshops of Gaul 
in favour of Leporius, that he might be again received 
and restored by them. One can scarce imagine any 
more likely time, or more proper occasion, for the com- 
piling such a Creed as the Athanasian is. All the lim s 
and characters of it suit extremely well with the place, 
the time, the occasion, and other circumstances, which 
concur to persuade us that the Creed was, in all pro- 
bability, composed in Gaul, sometime between the year 
426 and the year 430 : so that now we are confined to 
the narrow compass of four or five years, upon the 
most probable conjecture, and upon such evidences as 
a case of this nature can admit of, where more cannot 
be expected. 


Op the Axjthoe op the Ceeed. 

If we have hitherto gone upon sure grounds about 
the time and place, we cannot long be at a loss for the 
author of this Creed. Who were the most considerable 
men, and best qualified for such a work, at that time . 
in Gaul? Antelmius will point out Yincentius Liri- 
nensis. Eut I have several reasons to persuade me that 
it was not, or could not be, Yincentius. "No contem- 
porary of his, nor any ancient writer, ever gives the 
least hint of his composing such [a work. Antelmius 
supposes it to be after his Commonitory, that is, after 
434 ; which if it had been, we should undoubtedly 
have found the Creed more particular and explicit 
against the Kestorian heresy : we should have read in 
it Mother of God, One Son only, and something of 
God's being bom, suffering, dying, or the like ; it can- 
not, therefore, be justly ascribed to Yincentius. Not to 
mention that such a work appears to have been much 
fitter for a bishop of a church, than for a private pres- 
byter; inasmuch as bishops generally were obliged to 
give an account of their fSedth upon their first entrance 
upon the episcopate : and they had the privilege like- 
wise of making Creeds and Forms of Prayer for their 
respective dioceses ; for which reasons, cateris par%htc8, 
this Creed ought rather to be ascribed to some bishop of 
that time than to an inferior presbyter. And who more 


likely to compose such a Creed than Hilary, Bishop of 
Aries, a celebrated man of that time, and of chief re- 
pute in the Gallican Church ? His title to it will stand 
upon the following circumstances. 

1. He was made bishop in Gaul within the time 
mentioned, about the year 429. 2. He is allowed to 
have been a man of great parts and capacity, of a neat 
wit and elegant style for the age he lived in; inso- 
much that Livius, a poet, and a celebrated writer of 
that time, did not scruple to say, that if Austin had 
come after Hilary, he would have been judged his in*- 
ferior ■. 3. Gennadius's character of Hilary's writings, 
that they were small Tracts ^, but extremely fine, suits 
well with our present supposition : but what most of 
all confirms and strengthens it, is what Honoratus of 
Marseilles, the writer of .his life, tells us, that Hilary 
composed an admirable exposition [^Si/mhoU JExpositio 
ambienda] of the Creed °. He calls it an Exposition of 
the Creed (not a Creed), which is the proper title for 

* ** Quid plura dicam ? Nisi dioendi pausa desuper eidem adve- 
nisset, sermonem finire noa potuerat, tanta gratia exuDdante, et 
miraculo et stupore crescente, ut peritissimis desperatioaem tunc 
autoribus ssbcuIi ejus inferret oratio : in tantum ut Livius temporis 
illius poeta, et autor insignis, publico proclHmaret ; si Auorustinus 
post te fuisset, judicaretur inferior.'* — Honoratus^ in VUa.Sti. 
HUariif c. 11, in Leo, voL i. p. 740. 

^ ** Ingenio vero immortali, aliqua et parva edidit, qu» erudit» 
a'limse, et fidelis linp^ae indicia sunt ; in quibus piwcipUa," &c. — 
Greunad., Illustr. Vir. CaiaL, c. 71, p. 42. 

< ** Gratia ejus ex his operibus, qusB eodem dicendi impetu con- 
cepit, penult, omavit, protulit, possit absque heesitatione di^nosci : 
vita scilicet antistitis Honorati, bomiliee in totius anni festivitatibus 
expedites, Symboli £xpositio ambienda, epistolarum vero tantus 
numerus," sc. — Honorat., Vii. Hilar., c. 11, p. 740. 

N. 6. There is some doubt whether Ravennius of Aries, successor 
to Hilary, or Honoratus of Marseilles, be tbe author of this Life ; 
but there is good reason to ascribe it to the latter. See Quesnel 
in Leo, vol. it p. 730 ; and Antelmius, de verit operibtbs Leon. 
M., p. 367. 


it, and more proper than that of Symhohim, or Creed, 
which it now bears. And so we find that it was but 
very rarely called Symbolum by the ancients ; once, I 
think, by Hincmar, and never after for several centuries. 
And when it was, yet it was observed by Thomas 
Aquinas, that that was not so proper a name for it, 
not being composed per modum SymboUy in the way of 
a Greed ; as indeed it is not. What the more ancient 
and usual titles were, may appear in one view in 
the tables above. Among others, we sometimes find 
the title of JExpositio CatkoUea Fidei, or yet nearer, 
JSxpositio Symboli Apostolorum, An Exposition of the 
Apostles' Creed, which is as proper a title as any, and 
not unlike to this of Honoratus. 4. I may farther ob- 
serve that this Hilary of Aries was a great admirer and 
follower of St. Austin ^, and had studied his writings ; 
which may account for his often following St. Austin's 
thoughts in the compiling of the Creed, and sometimes 
his very expressions ; and, indeed, forming the whole 
composition, in a manner, upon St. Austin's plan, both 
with respect to the Trinity and Incarnation. He did 
not indeed come heartily into St. Austin's doctrine 
about grace, predestination, free-will, &c., any more 
than the other Gallican bishops ; but for other points, 
as Prosper observes, Hilary was entirely in Austin's 
sentiments. 5. Hence, likewise, we may account for the 
similitude of thoughts and expressions between Yin- 

' "Unum eonzm pnecipuas auctoritatis, et spiritualium stU' 
diorum Tirum^ sanctum Hilarium, Arelatensem Episcopum, sciat 
Beatitudo tua admiratorem, sectatoremque in aliis omnibus tus 
esse doctrine : et de hoc quod in querelam trahit, jam pridem 
apud Sanctitatem tuam sensum suum per litteras velle conferre." 
— Prosper^ ad Augmtin., Ep. 225^ vol. ii. p. 825. 


centius Lirinensis and the author of the Greed, which 
Antelmius insists much upon to justify his ascribing 
it to Vincentius. Hilary and Yincentius were contem- 
poraries and countrymen, both of the same monastery 
in the Isle of Lerin, much about the same time ; so 
that it is natural to suppose that they should ML into 
the like expressions while treating on the same things ; 
or that Yincentius might affect to copy ^m so great 
a man as Hilary (first, Abbot of Lerin, and then Arch- 
bishop of Aries) when writing on the same subject. 
6. As to the style of Hilary, though we have but 
little of his left to compare the Creed with, yet what 
there is answers very well to the idea one should have 
of a man that might be able to draw up such a piece. 
His Life of the elder Honoratus, who was his prede- 
cessor in the see of Aries, is an excellent performance, 
and comes nothing short of the character he had raised 
for wit and eloquence. The style is clear and strong, 
short and sententious, abounding with antitheses, ele- 
gant turns, and manly strokes of wit. He does but 
touch a little in that piece upon the subject of the 
Trinity ; so that one cannot from thence discover how 
he would have expressed himself upon that head. 
Only, that little there is there, is very like to a para- 
graph in the Athanasian Creed, both for turn and ex- 
pression. Speaking of Honoratus, or rather to him, 
in the way of a rhetorical apostrophe, he observes • how 
clear and expressive he had been in his discourses con- 

• ** Quotidianus siquidem in sinoerissimis traotatibus confeasionis 
Patris ac Filii ac Spiritus Sanoti testis fuisti : neo facile tarn exerte, 
tarn lucide quisquam de Divinitatis Trinitate disseruit, cum earn 
personis distingueres, et glorisB (gloriam,) »teniitate, ac majestate 
Bociares."— Hilar., Vit, Honorat,, o. 88, p. 77a 


ceming the Trinity in the Godhead ; making the Per- 
sons distinct, but co-nniting them in glory, eternity, 
and majesty. Which may remind us of the words of 
the Athanasian Creed, '* There is one Person of the 
Father, &c., but the Godhead of the Father, and of the 
Son, and of the Holy Ghost is all one, the glory equal, 
the majesty co-eternal." However that be, this we 
may learn from it, how great a commendation it was, 
in Hilary's account, to be able to speak clearly and 
accurately upon the subject of the Trinity, and how 
ambitious he might be of so doiug himself: and we 
know, from his dying instructions ' to his Mends about 
him, how much he had the subject at heart. These, 
I confess, are but little circumstances ; yet they are of 
some weight along with others more considerable, and 
therefore ought not to be entirely omitted. What 
weighs most with me is, that he was, in his time, 
a man of the greatest authority in the Gallican Church 8, 
without whose advice, or privity at least, such a Creed 
would hardly have passed ; and that he actually was 

' Among which this is one, and the first, — 

"Fidem Trinitatis immobiliter retinete." — Vit. Hilar., c. 20, 
p. 747. 

ff Quesnel quotes this eulogium of him, from Constantius Pres- 
byter of the same time : — 

" Illustrabatur haec civitas Hilario sacerdote, multimoda virtute 
pretioso : erat enim fidei igneus torrens, c«elesti8 eloquii, et prse- 
ceptionis diviuaa operariiis indefessus." — Quesnel^ 2>iM., vol. ii. 
p. 543. 

To which may be added one line of his epitaph : — 

*' Gremma saceraotum, plebisque, orbisque magister." — Honorat., 
Vit. HiL, p. 751. 

*' Ubi instructos superrenisse vidisset, sermone ao vultu pariter 
in quadam gratia insolita exoitabatur, seipso clarior apparebat ut 
Silvius Kusebius, Domnulus, auctores coaevi, admiratione succensi 
in heec verba proruperint: non doctrinam, non eloquentiam, Bed 
nescio quid super homines consecutum." — Honorat., Vit» Bilur., 
c. 11, p. 740. 



the author of such a work as this is, and which must 
either he this, or else is lost. This Creed has been 
sometimes ascribed to the elder Hilary of Poictiers, 
though neither the diction, nor the matter, nor the 
manner of it, look anything like his : only it seems this 
Creed in one manuscript was found tacked to some 
pieces of that Hilary. I pretend not to draw any 
argument from hence in favour of our Hilary ; though, 
had the manuscript been a very ancient one, or copied 
from one that was (neither of which appears), I should 
have thought it of some moment, since the similitude 
of names might possibly have occasioned it. 

Having copsidered such, reasons as seem to favour 
the conjecture about Hilary of Aries, it will next be 
proper to consider also what may be objected against it. 

1. It may be objected, that this Hilary lived to the 
year 449 ; saw the rise, progress, and condemnation of 
the Nestorian heresy, and the beginning, at least, of the 
Eutychian. May it not therefore be reasonably pre- 
sumed, that had he been to compile a Confession of 
Faith, he would have made it more full and particular 
against both those heresies than I have supposed the 
Creed to be? To this I answer, that the objection 
would be of weight if I supposed this Creed to have 
been made by him in the last years of his life : but as 
I take it to have been made a little after his entrance 
upon his episcopate, (to be a rule to his clergy all his 
time, as well as to satisfy his colleagues of his own 
orthodoxy,) the objection affects not me. Admit the 
Creed to have been drawn up by him about the year 
429 or 430, and then it is just what it should be, 
exactly suited to the circumstances of time, and place : 


and as to his enlarging or altering it afterwards, npon 
the rise of the two heresies, it might not be in his 
power when once gone out of his hands; nor wonld 
it be necessary, since both these heresies are sufficiently 
obviated in this Creed, though not so explicitly con- 
demned as in many that came later. 

2. It may be asked, how the author's name came 
to be so studiously concealed even by those that re- 
ceived and admired the Creed ; and how it came to take 
^ at length the name of Athanasius, rather tban of 
Hilary ? I answer : This objection will equally lie 
against any other author assignable whatever, except 
Athanasius himself, whom we cannot with any colour 
of reason ascribe it to. It will be as easy to account 
for the studious concealment of the author's name, 
supposing it Hilary, as for any other, or perhaps easier. 
This Hilary had stoutly defended the rights of his 
see against Pope Leo's encroachments in the matter 
of appeals, and other branches of jurisdiction. This 
brought the good man tmder disfavour and disrepute ; 
as must happen to the best of men when they have 
persons of greater figure and authority than themselves 
to contend with, however righteous and clear their 
cause may be. Besides this, Hilary had entertained 
a dislike to some of St. Austin*s prevailing doctrines, 
about Grace, growing much in vogue ; so that St. Au- 
stin's more zealous disciples had a pique against him on 
that account, and had the less value for his name. The 
way, then, to have this Creed pass current, and make 
it generally received, was to stifle as much as possible 
the name of the author, and to leave it to stand by its 
own intrinsic worth and weight. As to the name of 


Athanasius, I take it to have come thus : upon the re- 
vival of the Arian controversy in Gaul, under the in- 
fluence of the Burgundian kings, it was ohvious to 
call one side Athanasians, and the other side Arians ; 
and so also to name the Orthodox Faith the Athanasian 
Faith, as the other Arian. This Creed, therefore, 
being a summary of the Orthodox and Catholic faith, 
might, in process of time, acquire the name of the 
Athanasian Faith, or Mdes Athanasitf in opposition to 
the contrary scheme, which might as justly be called 
M'dei Arii^ or the Arian Faith. The equivocalness of 
the title gave a handle to those that came after to 
imderstand it of a form of Faith composed by Atha- 
nasius ; just as the equivocal title of Apostolical, given 
to the Eoman Creed, occasioned the mistake about its 
being made by the Apostles. This appears to me the 
most probable account of the whole matter : and it is 
very much conflrmed by what we see of several tracts 
wrote in the fifth and sixth centuries, dialogue-wise, 
where Athanasius is made the mouth of the Catholic 
side, and Arius of his party, and Photinus of his : not 
meaning that Athanasius, Arius, and Photinus were 
really the speakers in those conferences, but the readers 
were to understand the Athanasian, Arian, and Photi- 
nian principles, as being there fairly represented imder 
those leading names. 

3. If it be asked farther, why this Creed was not 
cited during the Nestorian and Eutychian controversy, 
when there was so frequent occasion for it ; I answer, 
partly because the Creed was not particular and ex- 
plicit enough to have done much service ; but, chiefly, 
because the author had been eclipsed, and his repu- 

170 OF THE AUTHOE 01* 

tation obscured by greater names than his, so that his 
authority had weighed little ; and to produce it with- 
out a name would have signified less. This objection, 
therefore, though it might be of great force in the 
question about Athanasius, is of no weight at all against 
our present supposition about Hilary of Aries. 

These are all the objections which to me occur : and 
they seem to be so far from weakening the grounds upon 
which I proceed, that they rather tend to strengthen 
and confirm them. And though I do not pretend to 
strict certainty about the author of the Creed, yet 
I persuade myself that none that have been hitherto 
named have any fairer or so fair a claim to it as the 
man I have mentioned. Not Athanasius, not Hilary 
of Poictiers, not Eusebius of Yerceil, not Pope Anasta- 
sius I., nor any of that name; not Vincentius Lirinensis, 
nor Yigilius Tapsensis, nor Athanasius of Spire, nor. 
Fortunatus, nor Bonifacius, nor any other that has 
been thought on. From the many conjectures hereto- 
fore advanced by learned men, one may perceive that 
it has been judged to be a thing worth the enquiring 
after : and as others have taken the liberty of naming 
such author or authors as to them appeared most likely 
to have made the Creed, so have I, in "my turn, not 
scrupling to add one more to the number. 

The sum, then, of what I have presumed to advance 
upon probable conjecture, in a case which will not ad- 
mit of full and perfect evidence, is this : That Hilary, 
once Abbot of Lerins, and next Bishop of Aries, about 
the year 430, composed the Exposition of Faith, which 
now bears the name of the Athanasian Creed. It was 
drawn up for the use of the Gallican clergy, and espe-^ 


cially for the diocese or province of Aries. It was 
esteemed by as many as were acquainted with it, as 
a valuable summary of the Christian faith. It seems 
to have been in the hands of Vincentius, monk of 
Lerins, before 434", by what he has borrowed from it ; 
and to have been cited in part by Avitus of Yienne, 
about the year 500, and by Csesarius of Aries, before 
the year 643. About the year 670, it became famous 
enough to be commented upon like the Lord's Prayer 
and Apostles* Creed, and together with them. All 
this while, and perhaps for several years lower, it had 
not yet acquired the name of the Athanasian Faith, but 
was simply styled the Catholic Faith, But, before 670, 
Athanasius's admired name came in to recommend and 
adorn it ; being in itself also an excellent system of 
the Athanasian principles of the Trinity** and Incar- 
nation, in opposition chiefly to Arians, Macedonians, 
and Apollinarians. The name of the Faith of Atha- 
nasius, in a while, occasioned the mistake of ascribing 
it to him as his composition. This gave it authority 
enough to be cited and appealed to as standard in the 
disputes of the middle ages, between Greeks and Latins, 
about the Procession: and the same admired qame, 
together with the intrinsic worth and value of the 
form itself, gave it credit enough .to be received into 
the public service in the Western Churches : first in 

^ *'Eomanfle ego ecolesiee quasi Symbolum^ inoerto Auctore, ex- 
idtimem, hinc Athanasii dictum et putatum quod dilucide Catho- 
licam, ipsamque Athanasii Fidem (de IVinitate^ maxime) oom- 
plectereuir; cujus inter Catholicos sic spectaca Fides, ut ejus 
Coiumuaio veluc tessera Catholici esset ; ceusereturque ejus cou- 
demnatio ipsa Nicsnas et Catholics Fidei ejuratio ; uti se res 
habuit in Liberie Komano auiistite," &c. — CJombetis, not. in CaUc, 
in Auctar.f vol. ii. p. 296. 


France, next in Spain, soon after in Germany, Eng- 
land, Italy, and at length in Borne itself ; while many 
other excellent Creeds, drawn up in councils, or re- 
commended by emperors, yet never arrived to any such 
honour and esteem as this hath done. The truly good 
and great author (as I now suppose him) though ill- 
used by the then Pope of Eome, and not kindly treated 
with respect to his memory in after ages, has never- 
theless been the mouth of all the Western Churches, 
and some Eastern too, for a long tract of centuries, in 
celebrating the glories of the co-eternal Trinity. And 
80 may he ever continue, till the Christian Churches 
can find out (which they will not easily do) a juster, or 
sounder, or more accurate form of faith than this is. 


The Cbxbd itself in the Obioiital Lakouage, with 
Parallel Passages fboh the Fathers. 

My design in this chapter is — 

1. To exhibit the Creed in its native language, that 
is, in Latin, according to the most ancient and must 
correct copies. The Yarions Lections will be placed at 
the bottom, nnder the Greed. The manuscripts there- 
in referred to, shall be denoted by such names or 
marks as appear above, in the Table of Manuscripts. 

2. Opposite to the Creed, in another column, I place 
Parallel Passages, selected from authors that lived and 
wrote before 430, principally from St. Austin : and this 
with design to enforce and illustrate my main argu- 
ment before insisted on, namely, that the Creed con- 
tains nothing but what had been asserted, in as full 
and express words as any words of the Creed are, by 
Church writers before the time specified. 

3. I subjoin under these, at the bottom of the page, 
some farther select passages from Church writers before 
or after the time mentioned ; partly to serve as com- 
ments upon some places of the Creed, and partly ta 
shew how some writers of the fifth century, Yincen- 
tius especially, expressed themselves on the same heads, 
that the reader may from thence judge whether they 
appear prior to the Creed or the Creed prior to them. 


I ought to ask my English reader's pardon for this 
part, which he may please to pass over, and to go on 
to the next chapter, intended chiefly for his satisfac- 
tion and to make him some amends for the present 
interruption : for my design in subjoining an English 
Commentary is to 'serve much the same purposes with 
what is here intended by the Latin ; though not all 
of them, but as many as the nature of the thing will 









Fides Catholica, 

1 . Quiciimqae vult salyus esse, ante omnia opus est 
ut teneat Catholicam Fidem. 

2. Quam nisi quisque integram inviolatamque ser- 
vayerit, absque dubio in SBtemum peribit. 

3. Fides autem Catholica hsec est, ut unum Deum 
in Trinitate, et Trinitatem in Unitate veneremur : 

4. Neque confundentes Personas, neque subBtantiam 

5. Alia est enim Persona Patris, alia Pilii, alia 
Spiritus Sancti. 

Variantes Lectiones, 

1. {mlvut esH), esse salviis. Cod. Ambros. et Fortunat. in MS. 

2. (quisque), quis : Cod. Ambros. {inviolatamque), inyiolabilem- 
que: Cod. san-^erm. {absque dubio), deest in Cod. Keg. Paris. 
{in, aitemum penbit), peribit in setemum. San-gurm. 

5. {alia Fdii), alia Persona Filii. Co*^. Ambros. item Fortuna 
{alia Spiritus), alia Persona Sp. Sanct. Cod. Ambros. 



Loca parallela excerpta ex Varus ; Ante An. 430. 

1. '^ Catholicse disciplinsB maj estate institutum est, 
ut accedentibus ad religionem Fides persuadeatur ante 
omnia." — August., de Vtilit, Cred,, c. 29, vol. viii. p. 64. 

*^ Heec est Fides nostra, quoniam heec est Fides 
recta, quae etiam Catholica nuncupatur." — August., 
c. Maxim,, lib. ii. c. 23, § 3, vol. viii. p. 729. 

2. "HsBretici .... simplici Fide GathoHca contenti 
esse nolunt; quae una parvulis salus est.*' — August., 
Enarr. in Fsalm, x., c. 3, vol. iv. p. 60. 

3. Nvv de diba(rK€ tootovtov ctdcVoi fiovov* fioudda cV 
rpidbif Ka\ Tpidda iv fiovdbt Trpoa-Kvvovfumjp, napdbo^ov 
exovcrav Koi r^v biaipeaiv km ttjv ei^oxny. — Greg. Kazian., 
Orat. 23, de Face, c. 33, vol. i. p. 422. 

4. '^£t heec omnia nee confuse unum sunt, nee dis- 
juncte tria sunt." — ^August., JSpist, 170, § 5, vol. ii. 
p. 609. 

5. ^'Impietatem Sabellii declinantes, tres personas 
expressas sub proprietate distinguimus — Aliam Patris, 

JSxcerpta ex Patrihus, 

1. '' Credamus ergo Deo, fratres: hoc est primum prsBceptum, 
hoc est initium religionis et vitsB nostrse, fixum habere cor in Fide." 
— August., Serm. 38, c. 3, vol. v. p. 195. 

2. " Catholicorum hoc fere proprium, deposita Sanctorum Pa- 
trum et commissa servare, damnare profanas novitates : et sicut 
dixit, et iterum dixit Apostolus ; Si quis annunciaverit, prseterquam 
quod acceptum est, anathemare." — Vincent., c. 34. 

3. '* Catholica Eccle^ia unum Deum in Trinitatis plenitudine, et 
item Trinitatis sequalitatem in una Divinitate veneratur." — Ibid., 
cc. 22, 18. 

4. '*Ut neque singularitas substantisB personarum confundat 
proprietatem, neque item Trinitatis distinctio unitatem separet 
Deitatis."— Ibid., c. 22. 

5. **Quia scilicet alia est persona Patris, alia Filii, alia Spiritus 
Sancti."— Ibid., c. 19. 


6. Sed Patris, et Filii, et Spiritns Sancti, una est 
diyinitas, sequaliB gloria, cosetema majestas. 

7. Qualis Pater, talis Pilius, talis et Spiritns 

8. Increatns Pater, increatns Filins, increatns et 
Spiritns Sanctns. 

9. Immensns Pater, immensns Filins, immensns et 
Spiritns Sanctns. 

10. JBtemus Pater, setemus Eilins, setemns et 
Spiritns Sanctns. 

11. Et tamen non tres setemi, sed nnus setemns. 

6. {eo€etema). Codd. Donnulli habent et cosetema. Deest el in 
Cod. Ambros. et in Fortunat. et Brunon., alilsque multis. 

7. {talis et Spiritns ftanctut), Ita Codd. Ambros. Beg. Paris. 
C.C.C.C. 1, Cotton. 1. Jacob. 1. Fortunat. item Csesarius Arelat. 
antiquissimus. MSS. recentiores, et editi omittunt et, 

8. {et Spiritns Sanctns), Deest vocula et in recentioribus Codi- 
cibus: retinent plerique antiquiores hoc in loco, et similiter in 

•subsequentibus, ante Spiritns Sanctus. Quae lectio, opinor, vera 
est, ab autore Symboli profecta ; scilicet, ad majorem emphasim, 
pr(>pter haeresim Macedonianam nondum penitus extinctam. Nos- 
trum autem est Symbolum exhibere quale se primitus babuit. 


aliam Filii, aliam Spiritus Sancti esse personam." — 
Pelag. St/mboL, in Lambec, vol. ii. p. 274. 

6. '^ Confntantes Arium, unam eandemqne dicimus 
Trinitatis esse substantiam.*' — ^Pelag. 8ynib,^ ih. 

"Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti unam virtutem, 
unam substantiam, unam Deitatem, unam majestatem, 
unam gloriam." — August, e. Maatm., lib. ii. c. 26, 
§ 14, vol. viii. p. 744. 

7. ** Qualis est Pater secundum substantiam, talem 
genuit Filium: et Spiritus Sanctus — est ejusdem et 
ipse substantisB cum Patre et Filio *." — Faustin., Fid. 

8. **Quicquid ad seipsum dicitur Deus, et de sin- 
gulis personis singulariter dicitur, et simul de ipsa 
Trinitate.'* — August., de Trin,, lib. v. c. 8, § 9, vol. viii. 
p. 838. 

9. *^ Magnus Pater, magnus Filius, magnus Spiritus 
Sanctus.*' — August., ih., p. 837. 

10. "Hoc et de bonitate, et de setemitate, et de 
Omnipotentia Dei dictum sit." — August., ih., p. 839. 

"-^temus Pater, coseternus Filius, coseternus Spiri- 
tus Sanctus." — ^August., Serm. 105, vol. v. p. 543. 

6. ** Sed tameu Patris et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti non alia et alia, 
sed una eademque natura." — Vincent,, c. 19. 

7. ** Qualis immensa est Patris persona, talis est et Filii, talis 
est Sancti Spiritus."— Philastr., H(sr., 46, p. 112 ; (51, p. 106, cf. 
p. 178). 

8. " Ulud prsecipue teneamus, quioquid ad se dicitur prssstantis- 
sima ilia et divina subllmitas, substantialiter dici ; quod autem ad 
aliquid non substantialiter, sed relative : tantamque vim esse ejus- 
dem substantise in Patre et Filio et Spiritu Sancto, ut quioquid de 
singulis ad seipsos dicitur, non i>luraliter in summa, sed singular! - 
tur accipiatur." — August., de Trin., lib. v. c. 8, § 9, p. 837. 

*■ The exact words quoted are not to be found in the treatise of 
Faustinus de Fide; but in o. 4, p. 647, he says, '* Qualis enim 
Pater Deus est, talis et Deus Filius est : " and in c. 7, p. 650, " Sic 
est Spiritus Dei ut sit ejusdem substantise cum Pater et Filio." 


12. Sicut non tres increati, nee tres immensi, sed 
unus increatus, et unos immensus, 

13. Similiter, omnipotens Pater, omnipotens Filius, 
omnipotens et Spiritus Saoctus. 

14. £t tamen non tres omnipotentes, scd nnns om- 

15. Ita Deus Pater, Deus Pilius, Deus et Spiritus 

1 6. Et tamen non tres Dii, sed unns est Deus. 

17. Ita Dominus Pater, Dominus Pilius, Dominus 
et Spiritus Sanctus. 

18. Et tamen non tres Domini, sed unus est Do- 

12. {unus inereatut, et unus immensus), Unus immensus et unus 
increatua. Cod. Ambros. 

14. {Et tamen) f deest tamen in Cod. Ambros. 

16. {est Deus), Deest est in MS. Ambros. 

18. {est Dominus), Deest est Cod. Ambros. 


12. '^Kon tamen tres magni, sed unus magnus." 
— August., de Trtn,, lib. v. c. 8, § 9, vol. viii. 
p. 837. 

13. "Itaque omnipotens Pater, omnipotens Pilius, 
omnipotens Spiritus Sanctus.'* — Ih. 

14. "Nee tamen tres omnipotentes, sed unus om- 
nipotens." — Ih.y p. 838. 

15. **Deus Pater, Deus Pilius, Deus Spiritus Sanc- 
tus.*' — August., de Trin., lib. viii. c. 1, vol. viii. p. 865 ; 
et 8erm, 105, c. 4, vol. v. p. 542. 

16. **Nec tamen tres Dii . . . sed unus Deus." — 
August., de TVin.y 1. c. 

17. " Sic et Dominum si qusBras, singulum quemque 
respondeo. . . . " — ^August., c. Maxim.^ lib. ii. c. 23, 
§ 3, vol. viii. p. 729. 

18. " Sed simul omnes non tres Dominos Deos, sed 
unum Dominum Deum dico." — Ih, 

12. ''Nee magnos tres dioimus, sed magnum unum, quia non 
partioipatione magnitudinis Deus magnus est, sed seipso magno 
magnus est, quia ipse sua est magnitudo.'' — August., de Trin., 
lib. V, 0. 10, vol. viii. p. 838. 

13. ** Sed ne duos omnipotentes intelligas prsecavendum est : licet 
enim et Pater sit omnipotens, et Filius, tamen unus est omnipotens, 
siciit et unus est Deus, quia Patris et Filii eadem omnipotentia est, 
sicut et eadem Deltas." — Faustin. (p. 123) ; de Trinit., c. 3, p. 646. 

14. ''Sicut simul ill! tres unus Deus, sic simul illi tres unus om- 
nipotens est, et invisibilis unus, Deus Pater et Filius et Spiritus 
Sanctus est.'' — August, Coll. cum Maxim., o. 12, vol. viii. p. 654. 
Cp. de Trin.f lib. viii. c. 1, vol. viii. p. 654. 

16. ** Unus Deus propter inseparabilem divinitatem ; sicut unus 
Omnipotens propter inseparabilem Omnipotentiam." — August., de 
Civit. Deif lib. xi. c. 24, vol. vii. p. 290. 

''In ilia summa Tnnitate, qusa incomparabiliter rebus omnibus 
antecellit, tanta est inseparabilitas, ut cum Trinitas hominum non 
possit dici unus homo, ilia unus Deus et dicatur et sit." — August., 
de Trin., lib. xv. o. 23, § 43, vol viii. p. 996. 

18. " Non sunt enim duo Domini ubi Dominatus unus est ; quia 
Pater in Filio, et Filius in Pat re, et ideo Dominus unus." — ^Ambros., 
de Sp, S., lib. iii. c. 15, vol. il p. 686. 


19. Quia sicut singillatim unamquamque Personam 
et Deum et Dominum confiteri Christiana veritate com- 
pellimur; ita tres Deos, ant Dominos dicere Catholica 
religione prohibemnr. 

20. Pater a nullo est factus, nee creatus, nee genitus. 

21. Pilius a Patre solo est, non factus, nee creatus, 
sed genitus. 

22. Spiritus Sanctus a Patre et Pilio, non factus, nee 
creatus, nee genitus est, sed procedens. 

23. Unus ergo Pater, non tres Patres ; unus Filius, 
non tres Filii ; unus Spiritus Sanctus, non tres Spiritus 

19. (et Deum et Dominum). Tta MS. Ambros. et MS. Oxon. 
Fortunat. rectissime. Cod. Fortunat. Ambros. aliiqiie, turn MSS. 
turn impressi, habent Deum et Dominum. Brunonis Cod. et Coll. 
Joh. MS. Deum ac Dominum. San-germanensis, Dominum et 
Deum. Plerique editi, Deum aut Dominum. Quae lectio, me judice, 
omnium pessima est. [^aiU Dominos'] Ita plerique MSS. et editl : 
sed nonnulli, ac Dominos. 

(prohibemur). MS. Ambr. legit prohibemus : male. 

22. {sed procedens). Cod. Ambros. adjecta babet ista ; Patri et 
Filio cosetemus est. Glossa, uti videtur, ex margine in textum 
immissa : nisi forte librarius verba ilia ex Bacbiarii Fide, quam 
simul descripserat, buc tracstulerit ; sive oscitanter, sive majoris 
elucidationis gratia. — Yid. Bacbiar. Fid«, apud Murator., Anecd.^ 
vol. ii. pp. 16, 18. 


19. '^ Cum de singulis quaeritur, unusquisque eorum 
et Deus, et omnipotens esse respondeatur ; cum vero 
de omnibus simul, non tres Dii, vel tres omnipotentes, 
sed unus Deus omnipotens.** — August., d$ Civit.Dei) 
lib. xi. c. 24, vol. vii. p. 290. 

20. ** Dicimus Patrem Deum de nullo." — ^August., 
Serm. 140, § 2, vol. v. p. 680. 

** Non enim habet de quo sit, aut ex quo procedat." 
— August., deTrin,, lib. iv. c. 20, § 29, vol. viii. p. 829. 

21. " Filius Patris solius — ^Hunc quippe de sua sub- 
stantia genuit, non ex nihilo fecit." — ^August., J^. 170 
(diaa 66), §§ 2, 3, vol. ii. p. 609. 

22. " De Filio Spiritus Sanctus procedere reperi- 
tur." — August., de Trtn., lib. xv. c. 17, § 29, vol. viii. 
p. 988. 

" l^eque natus est sicut Unigenitus, neque factus,** 
&c.— Id., lib. V. c. 14, § 15, p. 841. 

23. "Unus 6st Pater, non duo vel tres; et unus 
Filius, non duo vel tres; et imus amborum Spiritus, 
non duo vel tres." — August., c. Maxim.f lib. ii. c. 23, 
§ 3, vol. viii. p. 729. 

22. ** Spiritus quoque Sanctus non, dcut creatura, ex nibilo est 
factus ; sed sic a Fatre Filioque procedit, ut nee a Filio, neo a Patre 
sit factus."— August, Ep. 170, § 4, vol. ii. p. 609. 

Th &yiop irvcSjua . . . oUre ytvirryrhv oUrf Kriffrhv . . . aXV ix 
varphs iKvop€v6yifvov. — Epipban. adv, Basres. , lib. ii. c. 18, vol. i. 
p. 742. 

23. Odre oZv rpus 'KaT4p€s, Tp€is vlolf othe rptis irapiKKriroi* 
&.\\* th var^pt Koi ds vlbs, Koi tts irapdK\/iTos, — Pseud. Ignat., 
ad Philipp., c. 2, p. 118 ; cf. Epipban., 1. o. 


24. Et in hac Trinitate nihil prius aut posterius, 
nihil ma jus aut minus, sed totae tres personse cosetemae 
sibi sunt, et cosequales. 

25. Ita ut per omnia, sicut jam supra dictum est, 
et unitas in Trinitate, et Trinitas in unitate yene- 
randa sit. 

26. Qui vult ergo salvus esse, ita de Trinitate 

27. Sed necessarium est ad setemam salutem, ut 
Incarnationem quoque Domini nostri Jesu Chiisti fi- 
deliter credat. 

28. Est ergo Fides recta, ut credamus et confiteamur, 
quia Dominus noster Jesus Christus, Dei Filius, Deus 
pariter, et homo est. 

21. {Et in hac), deest et in Cod. San-germ. 

28. {eonfitenmur, quia). Cod. Ambros atque edit! nonnulli le- 
gunt qitod. Plnres nabent quvA. 

(Detis pariter, et homo ett). ItaCodd. Bened. 1, Colbertin. Jacob. 1, 
et Fortunat. Ambros. et San-germ, legunt, et Deos pariter et 
homo est, Editi, Deus et homo esL 


24. " In hac Trinitate, non est aliud alio majus, aut 
minus/' — August., 8erm. 214, § 10, vol. v. p. 948. 

" Nee enim prorsus aliquis in Trinitate gradus : nihil 
([uod inferius, superiusve dici possit." — Pelag. Symh,^ 
in Lambec, toI. ii. p. 274. 

25. Yide supra, in Articulo 3. 

26. Vide supra, Artie. 2. 

27. '* Dominus autem manens cum discipulis per 
quadraginta Dies, signi£care dignatus est quia per 
istud tempus necessaria est omnibus Fides Incama- 
tionis Christi ; quae infirmis est necessaria." — August., 
Serm, 264, § 5, vol. v. p. 1077. 

28. ** Proinde, Christus Jesus, Dei Eilius, est et 
Deus et homo." — August., -E'wijA^r., c. 35, § 10, vol. vi. 
p. 210. 

24. " Increata efc insestimabilis Trinitas, quse uniiis est setemita- 
tis et gloriae, neo tempus nee gradum vel posterioris recipit vel 
prions." — Ambros., de Fid.f lib. iv. c. 11, vol ii, p. 647. 

25. *' Ita tota Deitas sui perfectione aequalis est, ut exoeptis 
vocabulis qusB proprietatem indicant personarum, quicquid de una 
persona dicitur, de tribus dignissime possit intelligi. — Pelag., 

26. " Si quis banc Fidem non habet, Catbolicus dici non potest, 
«iuia Catbolicam non tenet Fidem ; et ideo alienus est ac profanus, 
ec adversus reritatem rebellis Fides." — Ambros., in Lambec., 
vol. ii. p. 268. 

27. ''Ideo conversatio ipsius in came post resurreotionem per 
(^uadraginta dies erat necessaria, ut demonstraret tain diu esse ne- 
cessariam Fidem locamationis Christi quamdiu in ista vita doce- 
tur area in diluvio fluctuare." — August., Serm, 264, § 5, vol. v. 
p. 1078. 


29. Deus est ex Substantia Patris ante saecula geni- 
tus : homo ex substantia matris in saeculo natus. 

30. Perfectus Dens, perfectus homo ex anima ra- 
tional! et humana came snbsistens. 

31. ^qualis Patii secundum Divinitatem : minor 
Patre secundum humanitatem. 

32. Qui licet Deus sit et homo, non duo tamen, sed 
unus est Christus. 

33. Unus autem, non conversions Divinitatis in car- 
nem, sed adsumptione humanitatis in Deum. 

. 29. {ex Substantia). Colbertin. de substantia : et infra, de substan- 
tia matris. (Homo). Ambros. Cod. l^it, et homo est. Fortuuat. 
et homo. Post, matris, San-germ. Cod. habet, in saeculo genitus 
perfectus homo. 
30. {rationali), rationabili. Codd. Ambros. Colbert, et San-germ. 

31. {minor Patre), minor Patri. Colb. 

32. Deest el Colb. 

33. {in camem)y in came. MSS. Ambros. Colbert, San-germ, alii- 
que plurimi, et vetusti. Habent etiam in De >, pro, in Deum. At 
multi etiam Codices, cum Fortunati Cod. Ambrosiano, receptam 
lectionem praeferunt ; quae utique prseferenda videtur. Cod. San- 
germ, pro conversione habet conversatione. Cod. Colbert: totam 
banc pericopen sic exhibet; Unus autem, non ex eo quod sit in 
came conversa Divinitas, sed quia est in Deo adsumpta dignanter 


29. " Deus ante omnia ssecula : homo in nostro 
saeculo — unus Dei Filius, idemque hominis niius." 
— Ihid, 

30. '* Confitemur in Christo unam esse Filii perso- 
nam, ut dicamus duas esse perfectas atque integras 
substantias, id est, Deitatis, et hmnanitatis quae ex 
anima continetur et corpore." — Pelag., 8ymh.^ p. 275. 

31. " -^qualem Patri secundum Divinitatem, mino- 
rem autem Patre secundum carnem, hoc est, secundum 
hominem." — ^August., Epiat, 137, vol. ii. p. 406. 

32. '^ Agnoscamus geminam substantiam Ghristi ; 
Divinam scilicet qua aequalis est Patri, humanam qua 
major est Pater : utrumque autem simul non duo, sed 
unus est Christus.** — August., in Joha/n,, Tract 78, § 3, 
Tol. iii. part 2, p. 699. 

33. ** Verbum caro factum est, a Divinitate carne 
suscepta, non in carnem Divinitate mutata." — August., 
Mchir.y c. 34, § 10, vol. vi. p. 209. 

29. <*Idem ex Patre ante ssecula genitus, idem in sseculo ex 
matre generatus." — Vincent., c. 19. 

30. *' Ad versus Arium, veram et perfeotam yerbi Divinitatem ; 
adversus Apollinarem, perfectam hominis in Christo defendimus 
veritatem." — August., !:kmi. 258, § 2, vol. v. App. p. 391. 

*' Perfectus Deus, perfeotus homo: in Deo summa Divinitas, in 
homine plena humanitas : quippe quse animam simul habeat et 
carnem. — Vincent., c, 19. 

32. " Caro Christus, et anima Christus, et verbum Christ as : neo 
tamea tria hsec tres Christi, sed unus Christus." — ^August., in 
Johan., Tract. 47, § 12, vol. iu. part 2, p. 612. 

33. *' Nemo ergo credat Dei Filium conversum et oommutatum 
esse in hominis Filium ; sed potius credamus, et non consumpta 
Hivina, et perfecte assumpta humana substantia, manentem Dei 
Filium factum hominis Filium." — August., Serm, 187, § 3, vol. v. 
p. 887. 

*' Deus ei^o hominem assumsit, homo in Deum transivit : non 
naturae versibiUtate, sicut ApollinaristsB dicimt, sed Dei digna- 
tione." — Gennad., EccU Dogm., o. 2, in August., vol. viii. p. 75. 


34. Uniis omnino, non confusione substantise, sed 
unitate Personae. 

35. !Nam sicnt aniiaa rationalis et caro imus est 
homo ; ita Deus et homo unus est Christus. 

36. Qui passus est pro salute nostra, descendit ad in- 
feros, terda die resurrexit a mortuis. 

37. Adscendit ad Gselos, sedet ad dexteram Patris; 
inde venturus judicare yivos et mortuos. 

38. Ad cujus adventum omnes homines resurgere 
hahent cum corporibus suis, et reddituri sunt de factis 
propriis rationem. 

39. Et qui bona egerunt, ibunt in vitam aetemam, 
qui vero mala, in ignem aeternum. 

34. ( Unus omnino), unus Christus est. Colbert. 

85. {N^am $ictUt ^c- ) Totum omittit Cod. Colbertinus. Scilicet, 
uti credo, ne simile illud in erroris sui patrocinium arriperent Mo- 
nophysitaB. {Rationalist rationabilis. Ambros. 

36. {QV'i patstu eit pro salute nostra), qui secundum Fidem nos- 
tram passus et mortuus. Colbert. 

{ad inferos), ad infernos. Cod. San-germ, ad infema. Fortunat. 
MS. 0x00. ad iofema descendens. Cod. Colbertin. 

(tertia die\ deest in Cod. Ambros. San-germ. Cotton 1, Jacob. 1, 
(resurrexit), surrexit. Cod. Ambros. Fortunat. 

37. {sedet), sedit. Cod. Ambr. {Dexteram Patris) : Ita Codd. Am- 
bros. et Fortunat. et Symb. Eoman. Vet. Dexteram Patris Omni- 
potentis. Cod. San-germ. Dextram Omnipotentis. Cod. Brunonis, 
Dexteram Dei Patris sedet, sicut vobis in Symbolo traditum est. 
Cod. Colbert. Dexteram Dei Patris Omnipotentis. Codd. recen- 
tiores, cum excusis. 

38. {resurgere hahent cum corporibus svis, et), desunt in Cod. Am- 
bros. Colbertinus legit ; ad cujus adventum erunt omnes homines 
sine dubio in suis corporibus resurrecturi. Sed nihil mutamus. 

39. {egeruni) egerint. Cod. Ambros. Totum hunc Articulum 


34. '' Idem Deus qui homo, et qui Deus idem homo : 
non confusione naturae, sed unitate personse." — August., 
Serm. 186, § 1, vol. v. p. 885. 

35. '* Sicut enim unus est homo anima rationalis et 
caro ; sic unus est Christus Deus et homo." — August., 
in Joh,, Tract. 78, § 3, vol. iii. p. 699. 

36. '* Descendit ad infema, tertia die resurrexit 
a mortuis." — 8i/mh, Aquileta, in Heurtley, p. 30. 

37. '' Ascendit ad coelos, sedet ad dexteram Patris ; 
inde venturus judicare vivos et mortuos." — 8t/mh. 
Roman, Vet,, in Heurtley, p. 31. 

38. '' Eesurrectionem camis ita credimus, ut dica- 
mus nos in eadem qua nunc sumus veritate membrorum 
esse reparandos.** — Pelag., St/mh,, p. 275. 

39. " Et procedent qui bona fecerunt, in resurrec- 
tionem vitae, qui vero mala egerunt in resurrectioneni 
judicii." — ^Joh. v. 29. 

34. ** Unus autem,iion . . . Diyinitatis et humanitatis confusione 
sed . . . unitate personse." — Vinoent. Lir., c. 19. 

36. ''Quis ergo, nisi infidelis, negaverit fuisse apud inferos 
Christum ? . . . 

'* Quamobrem teneamus firmissime quod fides habet fundatissima 
auctoritate firmatum . . . et csetera qus de illo testatissima veritate 
conscripta sunt ; in quibus etiam hoc est, quod apud inferos fuit." 
—August., Eja, 164, vol. ii. pp. 574, 578. 

38. ''Si id resurgere dicitur quod cadit, caro ergo nostra in 
veritate resurget, sicut in veritate cadit. Et non secundum Orige* 
nem, immutatio corporum erit," &o. — G^ennad., Eccl. DogmaLt 
c. 6, p. 76. 
L 39. *' Post resurrectionem et judicium, non oredamus restitutio- 


40. Hebc est Fides Gatholica, quam nisi quisque fide- 
liter, firmiterque crediderit, salvus esse non poterit. 

do legit ColbertinuB ; Ut qui bona egemnt, eant in vitam SBternam ; 
qui mala in ignem setemum. 

{qui veto), Cod. Ambros. et Cotton. 1, omittunt vero. Codices 
nonnulH legunt, et aui vero : alii, et qui mala. 

40. {quiMue)f Cod. Ambros. unusquisque. Colbertinus pergit : 
Haeo est Fides sancta et catholica, quam omnis homo, aui ad 
▼itam seternam pervenire desiderat, scire integre debet, et fiaeliter 


'* Ibunt hi in supplicium setemum, justi autem in 
vitam setemam/' — Matt. xxv. 46. 

40. "Cavete, dilectissimi, ne quis vos ab Ecclesise 
Catholicse Pide ao unitate sedncat. Qui enim vobis 
aliter Evangelizayerit preeterquam quod accepistis, ana- 
thema sit." — August., Serm, 205, § 8, vol. v. p. 952. 

nem futuram, siout Origenes delirat, ut diemonea vol impii homines 
post tormenta quasi suppliciis expurgati, vel illi in angelioam qua 
creati sunt redeant dignitatem, vel isti justorum societate donen- 
tur." — Oennad., ibid, o. 9, p. 77. 

40. 'O ravra irurrtiaas &s fx^'» ^^ y^yiviyrai, ficutdpios' 6 
ravra fi^ iri<rrt{>wv ii^ay^s oifj( Ijrrov r&v rhv Kitpiov vravpnady- 
Twv, — Pseud. Ignat., ad Philipp., c. 3, p. 118. 



Passages fbom the Ante-Nicene Pathers, Confibming 
THE Statements of the Athanasian Ceeed. 

The evidence adduced by Dr.Waterland in the pre- 
ceding chapter in confirmation of the statements made 
in the Athanasian Creed being confined to extracts 
from writers of the fourth and fifth centuries, it seems 
desirable to complete the chain of testimony, by adding 
passages from the Ante-Nicene Pathers, which express, 
with more or less closeness, the same views as to the 
nature of God, and the distinction and Divinity of the 
three Persons in the blessed Trinity. The collection 
of passages is derived, in great measure, from the late 
Professor Blunt's "Lectures on the Right Use of the 
Early Fathers*," supplemented from Dr. Burton's 
** Testimonies of the Ante-Nicene Pathers to the Di- 
vinity of Christ, and to the Doctrine of the Trinity.'* 
The series begins with Ignatius, as the evidence of 
Clement of Rome on the subject consists in implication** 
rather than direct statement, with the exception of 
some passages in his second Epistle *, which is of very 
doubtful authenticity. 

» Series ii. leot. x. pp. 396—408 of second edition. 

k 0. 2, pp. 10, 12 ; c. 16, pp. 62, 64 ; o. 22, p. 98; c. 36, p. 134. 
See Burton, Div. of Christ, pp. 4—12. 

« e.g. c. 1, p. 229: O0tws 8€i rifias ^tpovuv ir€pl 'It^ctov "Kpifrrov 
ctfv ircpl BcoD. c. 9, p. 248 : XpioT^s 6 K^pios, 6 ndnras vi^s, &v 
fA\v rh irpSnov nytvfia, 4y4vtTo (r^p|, koI o0tws ^fias iKd\€<r€y» 


Articles 1 — 3. — Irenseus, lib. iv. c. 33, § 7, p. 273. " Ju- 
dicabit autem et omnes eos qui sunt extra yeritatem, 
id est qui sunt extra ecclesiam ; ipse autem a nemine 
judicabitur. Omnia enim ei constant : tls €va e^ov 
iravTOKpcLTOpa^ c( o^ ra ircarra, niaris 6\6Kkfjpos' icai tls t6u 
Yiop Tov B€Ov *lrj(rov¥ Xpiarov, top Kvptov rifi&Pf bt oi ra 
irapra, Koi ras oiKOPOfiias avrov, di' &p apBptanos eytpero 6 
Yios rot) &€ov, ncifryiopri fitfiaia* kcli els ro IXvfvfxa tov 
Beovy qui prsestat agnitionem veritatis, r^ ras oIkopo- 
fiias Uarpos re koi Ylov (rKrjpoparovp KaB' eKaarrip ytPtav 
cV ToXs dpBpayirois, KaBois jSovXcrat 6 Uar^p," 

Cyprian, Ep* 73, § 14, p. 206. ** Quomodo ergo 
quidam dicunt foris extra Ecclesiam imo et contra 
Ecclesiam, modo in nomine Jesu Christi, ubicumque 
et quomodocumque gentHem baptizatum remissionem 
peccatorum consequi posse, quando ipse Christus gen- 
tes baptizari jubeat in plena et adunata Trinitate." 

Aeticle 3. — Justin Martyr, Apohy c. 13, pp. 50, 51. 

"ABcoi fX€P Q>ff oifK €(rfX€P, t6p brjfiiovpy6v rovbe rod napros 
<r€P6fji€Poi^ — riff (roKf>p6ptop ov\ o/xoXoy^cret ; r6p didao*- 
K(iK6p re rovTfOP yepofiepop ^fiiP, — Xiop avrov rov Spr&s 
&(ov (jLaBoPTcSj Ka\ €P devrepq, X^P? fX®"^*^* Jlpcvfid re 
itpo^r)TiKop €p rpirg rd$€i £>rt fitra \6yov rifiSiyxVy airo- 


Theophilus, Ad Autoli/cum, lib. ii. c. 15, p. 360. 
'QaavTOis Kal ai rpels ^fiepai [vrp^] r&p cfxaarripaip yeyO' 
pviai Timoi €l<np rrjs Tpidbosy rov O€ov, Kal rov \6yov 
avTOVy Ka\ r^s aro^pias avrov ^. 

Cyprian, J^. 73, § 6, p. 200. " Dominus post resur- 

^ This passage is important, as the earliest in which the word 
Tpihs is used by any of the Fathers. 


rectionem discipulos suos mittens quemadmodum bap- 
tizare deberent instituit et docuit, dicens, Data eat 
mihi omnia potestas in caelo et in terra, Ite ergo et 
docete gerdes omnes, haptizantes eos in nomine Patris, 
et Mliiy et SpiritiM Sancti. Insinuat Trinitatem, 
CUJU8 Sacramento gentes baptizarentur." 

Dionysius Rom., adv, Sahellium, p. 377. Ovra yap 

hp jcai ri $€10 TpuiSf Koi t6 ayiov Kr)pvypa r^s fJLOPapxlas 

Abticles 4, 5. — Justin Martyr, Dial, c. Tryph,^ § 128, 

p. 221 . Kal &n dvvafus avn;, fjv koi &€6v leaXec 6 npocfyrjTiKos 
\6yos, &S Bia iro\\S>p axravras aTroSedciierai, Ka\ ayycXov, 
ov X o>s TO rod ^\lov <f>S>s ovofiari fiovov dpiBfACirat, aXXa Ka\ 
api6p.^ €T€p6v Ti ifrrl, Jcal iv rois 7rpO€iprjfi€vois tih fipaxfotv 
Tov \6yov i^rfratra, clnofp r^v bvvafiiv ravTtjv ycyew^trOai 
dnh TOV TlaTpht bvpdp^i Koi fiovkj avrov, aXX* ov Kara otto- 
TOfiTjVy 0)9 dirofjLcpi^opepTjs r^s rod liarphs ovtrias, ^irola to, 
ak\a itdvra fjL€pi(6p€pa koi T€fip6fi€pa ov to. avrd iariv h Ka\ 
TTpXp Tfirjdrjpai' Kal rrapaheiyp^ros X^P^^ 7rap€i\ri<f>€iv ra ms 
OTTO irvp6s dpaiTT6p.€pa wvph €T€pa 6pS>p.€V, ovbiv iKarrov- 
fUpov €K€ivov, e{ o^ dp^ipdfjai noWa bvpaPTcu, dWa 


Athenagoras, Legat, pro Christ, c. 10, p. 287. Tis 

oZp ovk &p dTTOpTia-M, \eyoPTas Q€6p Harepa Kal Ylop Qeov 
Koi IXi/cO/xa ayiop, BdKPvPras avr&p Kal t^p cV tj evoixrei 
bvpafiip Koi TTjP €P T^ rd^ci biaipto'iPf dKovaas dOeovs 
KoKovfifpovs ; 

lb., C. 12, p. 289. Eibipai . . . tIs ^ tov IXaidor npos 
t6p IXarcpa ipdrr^s, tIs tj tov Harpos np6s top YIop koi- 
pcDPia, tI t6 Ili'cvfui, riV 17 tS>p Toa-ovrmp epcDO-iSf Koi biaipetriv 
€Povp€pcDP, TOV 'np€vpaT0Sy TOV Haidhs, TOV HaTpds* 


Tertullian, adv. Praxeam, c. 2, p. 501. ** Unicum 
Deum non alias putat credeadum, quam si ipsuin 
eundemque et Patrem Pilium et Spiritum Sanctum 
dicat ; quasi non sic quoque unus sit omnia, dum ex 
uno omnia, per substantias scilicet unitatem, et nihil- 
ominus custodiatur oeconomiae sacramentum, qure 
unitatem in trinitatem disponit, tres dirigens, Patrem 
et Pilium et Spiritum Sanctum : tres autem non 
statu sed gradu ; nee substantia sed forma ; neo po- 
testate sed specie ; unius autem substantiae, et unius 
status, et unius potestatis." 

lb., cc. 11, 12, p. 506. ''His itaque paucis tamen 
manifeste distinctio Trinitatis exponitur. Est enim 
ipse qui pronuntiat Spiritus, et Pater ad quem pro- 
nuntiat, et Filius de quo pronuntiat. Sic et ccBtera 
qu8B nunc ad Patrem de Pilio, vel ad Pilium, nunc ad 
Pilium de Patre, vel ad Patrem, nunc ad Spiritum 
pronuntiantur ; unamquamque personam in, sua pro- 
prietate constituunt. 

'' Si te adhuc numerus scandalizat Triivtatis, quasi 
non connexae in unitate simplici, interrogo quomodo 
unicus et singularis pluraliter loquitur? Paciamus 
hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem nostram ; 
cum debuerit dixisse, Paciam hominem ad imagi- 
nem et similitudinem meam, utpote unicus et sin- 
gularis ?" 

Hippolytue, c. Nbetum, c. 7, vol. ii. p. 11. Eav 8* 

X/yci, avTOS €(7rfy, *Eya> Kal 6 Tlar^p fp to'fxtVf iiriaravirui 
Toy yovv Koi fiavBaPeTfOf on ovk elirtv on *Eyci> Kal 6 JJarrip 
€v fi/xi, oKka €v €a-fi€P. To yap ifTfitp ovk 9<f>* hhs Xfytrai, 
aXX* fVl 8vo irp6a€a7ra edci^ci/, dvpafup di filay* 

Origen, on St. Jobn i. 3, torn. ii. § 6, vol. iv. p. 60. 


"Earat dc ns Koi rpiros irapb. roifs dvo, rov t€ 6ia rov 
A6yov napa'^fx^H'^^^^ ^^ Uv^vfia t6 Syiop ytyovivaiy koi 
rhv ayiwrjTov avrhv €lvai vrroKafiPdvovra, boyfiariCtov firjdc 
ova-lcof Ttva Idiav ve^coraMXi rov dyiov Hvcvp^ros Mpav 
vapa Tov TJarcpa Koi rov Yiov .... ^fxcir fuvroiye rpeU 
VTroarda-eis iraBopxvoi rvyxaveiv^ t6v Uarepa, koi tov Ylov, 
Koi t6 dyiov Hvevfia, Koi ayevinjTov pjjbev €T€pov rov Uarp^r 
€ivai Tria-TevovTiSt a>ff evatpiarepov Kal oKrfdes TrpoarUfjLcOa 
TO, irdpToiv did TOV Aoyov ytPOficvaVf t6 dyiov Uvevfui 
frdvrmv €lvai Tipumrtpov^ kcli rd^ti 7tdvT<op tS>v imh tov 
Harpos Bid XpioTov y€yevprjfi€voi>v. Kal rdxa avTij toTiv ^ 
ahia tov fir) Kal avTovi6u xprffiariCeiv tov Ocov, p4pov tov 
"Nlovoyevovs <f)va'€i Yiov dpxrjBev Tvyxdvomros, ot5 xphC^*'^ 
€OiK€ TO Syiov Uptvpa, bicucovovvTos avTov TJ vTToorao'fi, oif 
fiovop €is t6 €lvai, aKKci Kal aoffyov €ivat Kal XoyiKoy Kal 
diKaioPj Kal nay Stiitotovv xpl o-vrh votiv TvyxdveWf Kara 
fX€Toxriv tS>v 7rpo€tprjfi€pa>p rip,2p Xpiarov iiripoi&p. 

Novatian®, de Trmitafe, c. 21, p. 720. '* Quia enim 
non secundam Filii post Patrem agnoscat esse per- 
sonam, cum legat dictum a Patre consequenter ad 
Filium, FaciamtLs hominem ad imagin^n et similitiLdi' 
nem nostramy 

Dionysius of Alexandria, JEx Elencho et ApoLy c. 6, 

p. 93. "Ep €l(riPt SvT€9 dvo' ovTCj ycLp Kal 6 HaTtjp kcli 6 
Xihs €P Kal <p dWfjXois €k€xOr](rap €ipai. 

lb., C. 8, p. 94. Ol de ovK i<raaip oti p.rjT€ aXXorpcWat 
UaTrjp Yiov 17 Harfip' rrpoKaTapKTiKbp yap iari ttjs arvpa<f>€ias 
t6 6vop,a' oihe 6 Yl6s aTr^'/ciorai rov HaTpds, 'H yap Harrfp 

e The testimony of Novation is considered by Dr. Burton as 
valuable, since, though heretical in matters of discipline and prac- 
tice, his opinions in matters of doctrine were always held to be 
6(?ui2d.— Burton, ** Divinity of Christ," p. 366. 


vpooTjyopia drjXol rffv Koip&viav' tv T€ rals x€pa\v avr&v 

fOTl TO nV€i)/Xa, fxfjT€ TOV TTtfllTOVTOS fJLrjTf TOV <f>€pOVTOS 

dwdfievov aripeaBai, 11S>9 odv 6 tovtois XP^t^^^^^ ^^^^ 
ovofJLafri, fi€fi€piar6ai ravra Ka\ affi^pitrBai TravreX&s aK\rj\o>v 

Abticle 6. — ^Clemens Alex., Pcedagog.^ lib. iii. c. 12, 

p. 311. hlvovvras €V\apifTT€lv r^ pLOvn^ Tlarpi kcu Yt^, 
Yl^ KCLi Harpif naibaytoy^ Koi didao-ieaX^ Yc^, <rvp Kal t<^ 
dyi<j^ UvevfiOTi, iravra r^ m, iv ^ to, rrdtnraj bt tp ra irdvra 
€V, di* tv t6 Of/, 

Aeticle 8.— Iren8BU8, lib. iii, c. 8, § 3, p. 183. " Quoniam 
autem ipse omnia fecit libera et quemadmodum volnit, 
ait iterum David : Deus autem noster in coelis sursmn 
et in terra, omnia quaeciinque voluit, fecit. Altera 
autem sunt, qusB constituta sunt, ab eo qui constituit, 
et quae facta sunt, ab eo qui fecit. Ipse enim infec- 
tus, et sine initio et sine fine et nulHus indigens, ipse 
sibi sufficiens, et adhuc reliquis omnibus, ut sint, hoc 
ipsum prsestans ; quse vero ab eo sunt facta initium 
sumpserunt. Quaecunque autem initium sumpserunt, 
et dissolutionem possunt percipere et subjecta sunt et 
indigent ejus, qui se fecit ; necesse est omnimodo, ut 
differens vocabulum habeant apud eos etiam, qui vel 
modicum sensum ia discemendo talia habent : ita ut 
is quidem, qui omnia fecerit, cum Verbo suo juste 
dicatur Deus et Dominus solus ; quae autem facta sunt, 
non jam ejusdem vocabuli participabilia esse, neque 
juste id vocabulum sumere debere, quod est creatoris." 
Id., lib. ii. c. 13, § 8, p. 132. Speaking of the 
absurd doctrines of some of the Gnostics, Irenseus 
goes on to say, '* Decentiora autem magis quam hi, 


qui fgeDeratzKmem prolatiTi bomniiim Teibi tnmsfenint 
in Dcd fletemum Terbum, et prolatioiiis inftiniii do- 
nantes et genenn, qneinadinodiim et soo rerbo. Et 
in quo dirtabit Dei Terbnm, immo magis ipse Dens, 
enm idt Yerbnm, a rerbo bominom, si eamdem habu- 
erit ordinationem et emissionem genenttionis." 

Abticlb 9. — lb., lib. iiL c. 16, § 6, p. 206. " In omni- 
bus autem est et bomo, plasmatio Dei ; et hominem 
ergo in semetipsmn recapitnlans est, inyisibilis Tisi- 
bili« factus, et incomprehensibilis factns compieben- 
sibilis, et impassibilis passibilis, et Yerbnm homo." 

Clemens Alex., Stram.^ lib. viL c. 2, p. 831. Ov 
yhp i^iararai iroT€ ttJ9 avrov ir€pu0inJ9 6 Yios rov Oeov' 
o^ fi€piC^fjt€i/o£f oIk dtroT€fiv6fi€ifoSf ov fierafiaipap in rotrov 
fU t6^ov, irdvTTj di tiv vavrorej km fuj^iafij ntpuxofuvos^ 
S\ot vovs, 5Ko£ <f>t6f irarp^p^ Skos 6<l>6akfi6s, iravra 6p»tf^ 
irdirra dfcovcoVf ti^ott ndvra. 

Id., Pedagog,, lib. i. c. 6, p. 123. "Q Oavfutros fiva-- 
riKov' fU fjL€P 6 tS>p oKfov Uar^p' tls de Koi 6 rw Skatv 
A6yo£' Kal TO Uvtvfia t6 Syu)v tv, Kai rh avrh napTaxpv. 

Article 10. — Ignatius, I^. ad Polgcarp, c. 3, p. 490. 

T6u vntp Kaipbif itpoahoKa, rhv dxpouov, rhv doparov, rov dt* 
fipds Sparov, tAv dylrr]\d<f>T)TOPj rbv diraBri^ top ti ripas 
iraOrjrbvt rhv Kara irdvra rpowop Bi ffp^s viropcipapra, 

Justin Martyr, IJp. ad Biognet,, c. 11, p. 240. 
OIto£ 6 dir* dpxrjsj 6 kmp6s <^amr . . . oirros 6 act, orjpcpop 
Ylbs \oyia-6tU, 

Irenaeus, lib. iv. c. 20, § 3, p. 253. " Quoniam 
Verbum, id est Filius, semper cum Patre erat, per 
multa demonstravimus. Quoniam autem et Sapien- 


tia, quffi est Spiritus, erat apud eum ante omnem 
constitutionem, per Salomonem ait." 

Origen, Comment, in Genes,, torn. i. vol. ii. p. 1. ol 

yap 6 G€09 Uarfip ttvai rjp^arOy K&Xvofievos as ol yi,p6fi€Voi 
irar^pts SafBptauro^, vno tov p,r) Bvvaardai ttw irctr€p€S elyai' 
ci yap acl rAciof 6 9f6r, Ka\ iraptariv avr^ dvvafits tov 
liarepa avrop dvai, Koi Ka\6v avrhv avai Harepa rov tolov- 
. TOV Yiov, TL dpoPoKKeTMy Ka\ iavT6v tov koKov aTtipLfrKei^ 
kai, cas eariv €ln€lu, c^ oi Bvparai Harrip «iP<u Yiov ; to 
avTO fi€VTOiy€ Ka\ irepl tov dyiov Ilvcvfiaroff \€KT€Ov. 

Id., de Frmcipm, lib. iv. § 28, p. 190. " Hoc au- 
tem ipsum quod dicimus, quia nunquam fuit quando 
non fait, cum venia audiendum est. Nam et haeo ipsa 
nomina temporalis vocabuli significantiam gerunt, id 
est quando vel nunquam ; supra omne autem tempus, 
et supra omnia ssecula, et supra omnem seteniitatem 
intelligenda sunt ea quae de Patre et Filio et Spiritu 
Sancto dicuntur. Haec enim sola Trinitas est quae 
omnem sensum intelligentiae non solum temporalis 
verum etiam setemalis excedit. Csetera vero quse 
sunt extra Trinitatem in sseculis et temporibus me- 
tienda sunt ^" 

Aeticles 15 — 17. — Athenagoras, Ze^at pro Christ,, c. 
24, p. 302. *Qs yap Bchv <f)afi€Py Ka\ Y16p top A6yop 
avTov Ka\ HP€vpM dyiop, €POVfi€pa ptp KaTo. bvvafiip, tov 
HaTipa, t6p Ylop^ to Ili/cvfia, on povs, \6yos, (ro^la^ Yibi 
TOV UaTpos, Kal dnSppoia, o>ff <f>S)s d7r6 Ttvpbs, t6 nP€v fia, 

Tertullian, adv, Frax,, c. 13, p. 507. "Deos om- 

' Passages quoted [in Latin from this treatise must be taken 
for what they are worth, being found only in the Latin translation 
of Rufinus, which is not to be implicitly relied upon. — See Burton, 
'* Divinity of Christ," pp. 284, 285. 


nino non dicam, nee Dominos : sed apostolum se- 
quar, ut si pariter nominandi fuerint Pater et Filius, 
Deum Patrem appellem, et Jesum Christum DomiDum 
nominem. Solum autem Christum potero Deum 
dicere, sicut idem Apostolus, Ex quihua Chrtstus, 
qui esty inquit, Bern %wper omnia, henedicttts in ovum 

Hippolytus, c, Nbetum, c. 12, vol. ii. p. 14. Ovkovv 
tvtrapKov A6yop Bt&povy^v^ Uaripa bt airov voovficv, Yc^ 
dc 7riaT€voiJi€Vf Hvevfum dyitia irpoaKVvovyAV* 

Origen, in Psalm, cxxii. 2, vol. ii. p. 821. AoOXoc 

Kvpi&Vf Harpos Ka\ Yiov, TTPtvfia Koi (r&fia; irmhla-Kq dc 
Kvpias Tov 6yiov IlvevfiaTos f) "^vx^. Ta dc Tpia Kvptof 
6 Qios fipMV «<rrip' ol yap Tp€'is t6 ev tla-iv. 

Id., in Joan., tom. xxxii. vol. iv. p. 429. Up&rov 
ftavrtav rriOTevarop ori €(( io'Tiv 6 Bcor 6 ra irdvra KTiaas^ 
Koi Karapria-as, Koi iroirja-as cie tov pr) Sptos €ls to cIpoa tcl 
ndvTa* Xpfj dc koI 7na-T€V€iv on Kvpiot ^Irjaovs Xpiaros^ 
Koi irdarg Tjj nepi ovtov Kara ttiv OtorqTa, kclI t^v dvBpoy" 
fron^ra, dXrjdfii}' del be koi els to dyiov viarcveiv Uyevfia. 

Akticle 19. — Tertullian, adv. Frax,, c. 13, p. 507. 
" Duos quidem definimus, Patrem et Filium, et jam 
tres cum Spiritu Sancto. . . . Duos tamen Deos et 
duos Dominos nimquam ex ore nostro proferimus; 
non quasi non et Pater Deus, et Eilius Deus, et 
Spiritus Sanctus Deus, et Deus unusquisque." 

Akticle 20. — Irenseus, lib.iii. c. 8, § 3, p. 183. " Ipse 
enim infectus et sine initio et sine fine et nullius 
indigens, ipse sibi sufficiens et adhue reliquis omni- 
bus, ut sint, hoc ipsum prsestans." 


Abticle 21. — Justin Martyr, JHaL^ c. 61, p. 167. Map- 

rvpiop be Koi Sk\o Vfiiv diro r&v ypa<f)&p dttcrtt, ori dpxrip 
7rp6 irdvTdv r&v KTiafidrtav 6 Qehs ycycVi^iee bvvafiiv nva 
€f iavTov \oyiK^p, rjris Koi B6(a Kvplov {^6 rod Uvev/iaros 
Tov dyiov KoXcirai. 

lb., c. 129, p. 222. Nucire, & aKpoaral, €? yt koi rhv 
vovv 7rpoa'€XfTt^ koi &ri ytyevv^arOai \m6 rov Uarpbs rovro 
t6 yepin^fia npo irdpTcup diT\S>s tS>p tCTkO'pjdrtav 6 \6yos 
cd^Xov, Koi TO y€vv&yL§vov rov yew&vTos dpidfA^ erepop 
coTi, nds 6<ma'ovp ^/ioXoy^ccic. 

IrenaBUs, lib. ii. c. 28, § 6, p. 158. " Si quis itaque 
nobis dixerit : Quomodo ergo Filius prolatus a Patre 
est ? dicimus ei, quia prolationem istam, siye genera- 
tionem, siye nuncupationem, sive adapertionem, aut 
quolibet quis nomine vocaverit generationem ejus in- 
enarrabilem exsistentem nemo novit; non Valenti- 
nus, non Marcion, neque Saturninus, neque Basilides, 
neque angeli, neque archangeli, neque principes, ne- 
que potestates, nisi solus qui generavit Pater et qui 
natus est Eilius." 

Tertullian, ApoL, c. 21, p. 19. " Hunc ex Deo pro- 
latum didicimus, et prolatione generatum, et idcirco 
Pilium Dei, et Deum dictum ex unitate substantise." 

Dionysius Alex., ex Elench, et ApoLy c. 13, p. 97. 

ZoJ) 6IC fcD^ff iy€Ppri$r}y koi &<nr€p troTapJiiS dirb Tnjyrjs 
tppev(T€f KCii diTo (fxarbs da^iarov \afX7rp6p <l)S>s dpri<f>$rj, 

Dionysius liom., adv. SahelL, p. 376. noXXaxoO 
bf ratP Btlmp XoyioiP yeytpprjaBcu dXX' ov yeyopepai t6p vIop 
XcyofMepop evpoi rtf ap' v<l>* 1>p Karaipap&s IKeyxoprai rd 
^frevbrj Trepi ttJ9 tov Kvplov y€Ppfiar€o>s vnokapPdpopTes, oi 
irolrja-ip airrov t^p Seiap Koi apprfTOP yfpprjo'ip Xeyeiv toX- 



Akticle 22. — Tertullian, adA), Prax,^ c. 4, p. 502. 
**Ceteruin, qui Filium non aliunde deduce, sed de 
substantia Patris, nihil facientem sine Patris volun- 
tate, omnem a Patre consecutum potestatem, quo- 
modo possum de fide destruere monarcliiani, quam 
a Patre PiHo traditam in Pilio servo ? Hoc mihi 
et in tertium gradum dictum sit, quia Spiritum non 
aliunde puto, quam a Patre per Filium." 

ib., c. 8, p. 504. " Omne quod prodit ex aliquo, 
secundum sit ejus necesse est de quo prodit, non ideo 
tamen est separatum. Secundus autem ubi est, duo 
sunt. Et tertius ubi est, tres sunt. Tertius enim 
est Spiritus a Deo et PiUo, sicut tertius a radice 
fructus ex fructice. Et tertius a fonte, rivus ex 
flumine. Et tertius a sole, apex ex radio. Nihil 
tamen a matrice alienatur, a qua proprietates suas 
ducit. Ita Trinitas per consertos et connexos gradus 
a Patre decurrens, et monarchiae nihil obstrepit, et 
ceconomiaB statum protegit." 

Akticle 24. — Tertullian, adv. Sermogemm, c. 7, p. 235. 
** Divinitas autem gradum non habet, utpote unica." 
Origen, de Princip.^ lib. i. c. 3, § 7, vol. i. p. 63. 
" Ne quis sane existimet nos ex eo quod diximus Spi- 
ritum Sanctum solis Sanctis praestari, Patris vero et 
Pilii beneficia vel inoperationes pervenire ad bonos et 
males, justos et injustos, praetulisse per hoc Patri et 
Pilio Spiritum Sanctum, vel majorem ejus per hoc 
asserere dignitatem ; quod utique valde inconsequens 
est. Proprietatem namque gratiae ejus operisque de- 
scripsimus. Porro autem nihil in Trinitate majus 
minusve dicendum est, quum uuius Divinitatis fons 


Verbo ac Ratione sua teneat universa, Spiritu vero 
oris sui quae digna sunt sanctificatione, sanctificet." 

Aeticlb 25. — Origen, c, Cehum, lib. viii. c. 12, vol. i. 

p. 751. OprffrKevofjiep o^u t6u JIaT€pa rrjs aKrjBelaSi Koi 
TOP Yiov T^v oKrideiaPy Svra duo t^ vTrooTaurti irpayfjuxra, 
€if de rfj ofiovouff Kal rg crvfi<f}apii}, Kal rj ravTorriTi rov 


Tertullian, (^ Orattone, c. 10, p. 133. ** "Nee ab ira 
solummodo, sed omni omnino confusione animi libera 
debet esse orationis intentio, de tali spiritu emissa, 
qualis est Spiritus, ad quern mittitur. Neque enim 
agnosci poterit a Spiritu Sancto spiritus inquina- 
tus ; aut tristis a Iseto, aut impeditus a libero." 

Aeticle 27 — 29.— Justin Martyr, IHal, c. 71, p. 169. 

Kal on TToXXar ypa(f)as riXcov TrcpietXoy a7r6 tS>p «f lyy^trewv 
tS>p yeyfinrjfji^umu vno tS>v napa IlroXc/iat^ yeytprififPOip 
npefT^vripav, e^ S)P biappfibrjp oiros avrbs 6 OTavpcaOtls 
on Ocof Kal ajfOpwiros Koi aravpovficpos Kal dnoBprja'KCiiP 
KeKTfpvyfievos aTTobeiKPifraif etdeVai vfias fiovKofjLai, 

lb., C. 87, p. 184. Kal SfwXoyrja'as ravra ... els 
Xpiarhv elprjaBat, Kal Ge6v avrbp npovndpxovra Xcyctr, Kal 
Kara t^v /SovX^v tov Qeov (rapKOTTOiriBiPTa avTop "kiytis bia 
TTJs irapOivov yeycuvrjadai SivOpomov, 

Tatian, Orat, c. Gracos^ c. 21, p. 262. Ov yap 
fi<ii>paipop.€P, ovbe X^povs aTrayyeXXo^cv, Qtbp ip dpBpimov 
p-op^ji yeyouivai KarayyeWoPTtg. 

Irenseus, lib. i. c. 10, § 1, p. 48. Kai fU Upevfia 
ayioPf TO bia rStp Trpo(l>rjTS>p KeKrjpvxos ras olKOPoplas, kcli 
Tas i\€v(T€iSf Kal Trjp €K irapOtvov y€PPr)a'iv, Kal to nd$os, 
Kal T^p eyepaip €k p€KpS>p, Kal ttjp tp(TapKOP tls rovs ovpapovg 


aydXi^^ii' Tov Tiyajnjfievov Xpiarov 'li^crov rov Kvplov rjfi&Py 
Kol T^u (K tS>v oifpap&p iv rj ^6^rf tov irarpos napov(riau 

Clemens Alex., Cohort, ad Gentes, c. 1, p. 7. Nuv 

d^ dir€(f>dvrj dpdponrois avT^s o^tos 6 A<$yor, 6 fiopos afi(f><Of 
Ocds re Koi &v6pomot» 

Tertullian, de Came Christie c. 5, p. 310. "ITon 
diceretur homo Christus sine came ; nee hominis 
filius, sine aliquo parente homine : sicut nee Deus 
sine Spiritu Dei ; nee Dei filius sine Deo patre." 

Hippolytus, de Antichristo, c. 4, vol. i, p. 6. *0 
A6yos TOV OeoVf acrapKog &y, tpehixraTO t^p ayiap (rdpKa 
CK r^s dylas napOepoVy oas pvpxftios IfiaTiop (^v(f)dpas eavtf 
€P tS OTavpiK^ irddei, ottcos (rvyKcpdaas to 6prjT6p ^fJL&p 
aSifia T^ eavTov bvpdjxcij Koi fil^as tS d<l>ddpT€^ t6 (fiBap- 
TOP KCLi Tb dadepis r^ Icrxypa, fTQuaji top diro\\vp.€POP 

Origen, c, Cekum, lib. i. c. 60, vol. i. p. 375. 

^epoPTCs p.€P bS>pay & (tp* ovT<og opop^trai) (rvpBcTm tip\ €K 
Oeov Kal dpOp&TTOv dprjrov irpoa-^pcyKap (rvp.Po\a p.ep, ox 
Paa-iXel top ^pvc^v, as de TcOprj^opLcpt^ Trjp (rpvpPaPt «£ 8e 
0f ^ t6p XipapwTOP. 

Dionys. Alex,, c. Paul, Samoa. ^ p. 214. Thp <^v(rei 

KvpioPy KCLi Adyop tov Ilarpor, di* ol ra ndPTa inoirjO'ep 6 
Harrip, koi op^ovtriop r^ Ilarpl elprjfiepop VTr6 tS>p dyitav 
ncpripoup *• 

Akticle 30. — ^Ignatius, JEpisL ad Smym., c. 3, p. 452. 

Mcra dc Tt^p dpaaracrip avP€<l)ay€P avTOis icai (Tvpiintp a>( 
(rapKiKos, KaiTTfp wpevp^iTiKSn ffprnpcpos r^ Ilarpt. 

f This passage is remarkable, not only as oontaining the word 
d/woiffios, but as shewing tbat even then it was no new word. 


Melito, de Incamat. Chrtsti, p. 121. Gcos yap ^v 

o/Aov re jcai Svdpoanos riXeios 6 avros, ras dvo avrov ovfrias 
CTriOTcoo'aro ^fiiv' rrjv fiev OednTra avrov dm tS>v injpticav 
eV TJ rpifria rj fifTa t6 Pdima-fia, r^v b€ avBp<ow6TrfTa 
avrov, iv rots rpiaKovra xpopois Tois npo rov Pawriafiaros' 
iv ois Bia TO drtXes to koto. (rdpKa atrcKpvjSi; ra aiiptia rrjs 
tnrrov Oeonfros* xaiTTcp 0€6s aXri$^s npoaioivios vndpxoiv, 

Irenseus, lib. iii. c. 21, § 3, p. 217. " Quod autem 
non consentiet nequitise, ut eligat bonnm, proprium 
hoc est Dei, uti non per hoc, quod manducabit buty- 
rum et mel, nude solummodo eum hominem intelli- 
geremus, neque lursus per nomen Emmanuel sine 
came eum Deum suspicaremur." 

Hippolytus, c. Beronem et Helicem, c. 1, vol. i. 
p. 226. Oeov aneipov ofiov Koi irepiypcarrop avBpamov SvTa 
re Koi voovfifvoVf ttju ovtrlav €KaT€pov rcXetor reXeiav t^ovra, 

Origen, c. Celsumj lib. iii. c. 29, vol. i. p. 465. 
IIcpl de rov *Ii70'ov etiroipev iiv, eirel orvpffitpov ^y r^ rStv 
dpdpamtou yiv€i napabe^acrdai avT6v a>s vi6p Oeov, Oe^v 
e'Xi;Xv^dra eV dvOponrivn ^Xji ^^^ ccu/xar*. 

Dionys. Alex., de Martyria^ c. 9, p. 39. t6 fieWoi 

€^ov(riav exo) ^elvai ttjp "^vx^p p-ov Ka\ i^ovtrlaP e^ft) itaKip 
Xaficip avTTjPt €P TovTOLS Brikoi €Kovaiop €ipai to ndOos* Koi 
€Tif i>s aXXi; pev rj Tidepcprj koX XapPavouevrj ^v;^^, oXXi; 
de rj rt^etaa koi XapPaPovaa deoTris, 

Methodius, Sympos,, Or. 3, p. 79. Tovro yap eJpai 
TOP Xpitrrhp, avOpctmop dxpdTta BcoTTfTi Kai reXet^ ireTrXi;- 
paptPOPf Koi Geoj/ h dpBpmrta K€X<opripepop, 

Akticlb 32. — Ignatius, ad Ephes,^ c. 7, p. 288. E« 

laTpos eoTiP, o'apKiKds re Ka\ in/evpaTiKOSf ytPPrjTOS Kal 
dyivprjTOs, ev a'apKi y€p6p(Pos Qt6s, eV dBapdrt^ ((orf dXi;- 


Oivff^ Ka\ 6K Mapias Koi ck Seov, npSn-ov TraBrjTos Koi rore 

Origen, c, Cehum, lib. vi. c. 47, vol. i. p. 669. 
OvK €t<rt hvo fi yfrvxT^ tov *Ii]aov npoi rhv TrdaifS Krlaems 
irpotTOTOKOP 9c6v Aoyov, 

Aeticle 33. — Tertullian, adv. Frax., c. 27, p. 516. 
"De hoc qu8Brendum, quomodo Sermo caro sit fac- 
tu8 ; utmmne quasi transfiguratus in came, an indu- 
tus camem ? Immo indutus. Ceterum, Demn immu- 
tabilem et infomiabilem credi necesse est, ut aeter- 
nnm. Transfiguratio autem interemptio est pristini. 
Omne enim quodcunque transfiguratur in aliud, de- 
sinit esse quod fuerat, et incipit esse quod non erat. 
Deus autem neque desinit esse, neque aliud potest 


Origen, c. Cehumy lib. iii. c. 41, vol. i. p. 474. 

"OpLfdS Be taT<o(rav ol cyKoXovKrer, hri tp flip pofu(ofA€P, koi 
neniiaixtBa ap-xjiOfP eifai Qeop kcli Yiov Gcov, otros 6 
avToKoyos cort koi ^ avrotrotpia koi ^ avroakrjdtia' to d§ 
BvffTop avTOv (T&na, KaX r^p dpdpayirivijp ip avT^ i^XV^9 T$ 
npos €K€iPop ov fiovop KoiPQipia, olXka kcli evoxrei Koi dva- 
Kpd(r€i, TO, fieyiard <j)afi€P 7rpo(retXi;<^«Vai, koi ttjs cKeiPov 
ScoTTiTos KCKOipwprjKora tls Qtbp fierafiePriKePM, 

Aeticle 34. — Tertullian, adv, Frax., c. 27, p. 516. 
" Quia neque Sermo aliud quam Deus, neque caro 
aliud quam homo .... Yidemus duplicem statam 
non confusum, sed coDJunctum in una persona, Deum 
et hominem Jesum." 

Aeticle 36. — Id., de Anima, c. 55, p. 304. " Christus 
Deus, quia et homo, mortuus secundum scripturaSy 


et sepultus secus easdem, huic quoque legi satisfecit, 
forma humanse mortis apud inferos functus ; nee ante 
ascendit in sublimiora coelorum, quam descendit in 
inferiora terrarum, ut illic patriarehas et prophetas 
compotes sui faceret/' 

Akticle 37.— Origen, tn Psalm, xlvii. 6, vol. ii. p. 715. 
"QoTTtp 6 Kvpios iXtvaercu iv (fxavj dyycXov, Koi iv troK'- 
TTtyyt Geov irara/3^(rcrai an ovpopov, ovroas dp^Prf 6 Scor 
ip aXoXoy/t^. 



1. Whosoever will he saved, before all things it is 
necessary that he hold the Catholic Faith, 

By the words, before all things, is meant in the first 
place. Faith goes before practice ; and is therefore 
first in order, though practice may be, comparatively, 
more considerable, and first in value, as the end is 
above the means. 

2. Which Faith except every one do keep whole ^ and 
undefiledy without doubt he shall perish everlastingly. 

Which Faith, that is, the Catholic Faith before spoken 
of, which is another name for the true and right faith, 
as taught in Scripture ; called Catholic, or Universal, as 

• In the Primer of 1539, and another of 1555, where the version 
is made from the Latin, and joined with the Popish Service of that 
time, the English title of tbe Creed was, **The Symbole or Crede 
of the great Doctour Athanasius, dayly red in the Church." 

In King Edward's Prayer-book, a.d. 1549, it is barely intituled, 
'* This Confession of our Christian Faith ;" and it was ordered to be 
song or sayed upon six feasts in the year. At the revisal of the 
Common Prayer, in 1552, it was appointed to be used on several 
feasts in the year, the whole number thirteen. But the title still 
continued the same tUl the last review under Charles the Second, 
when were added thereto, ** commonly called the Creed of St. Atha- 
nasius :" from which time the nmning title has been " St. Athana- 
sius's Creed," as before Quicunque vult, in our Prayer- Books. 

•> In King Edward's Prayer-books, and so down to the year 1627, 
Jioly was read for what is now wk(^e ; which, I suppose, was in- 
tended for wholly, as one may reasonably imagine from Queen 
Elizabeth's of 1561, where it is wlioly, and from the metrical ver- 
sion, which plainly meant wholly^ by haly, answering to unde' 
fikdly ; and it is certain that lioly was tbe ancient spelling for 
irhat we now write wholly. 


being held by the Universal Church of Christ, against 
which the gates of hell shall never prevail. The mean- 
ing, then, is, that every one is obliged, under pain of 
damnation, to preserve, as fax as in him lies, the true 
and right Eaith, in opposition to tbose that endeavour 
to corrupt it either by taking from it or adding to it. 
That men shall perish eternally for unbelief, for reject- 
ing the Faith in the lump, cannot be doubted, when it 
is expressly said (Mark xvi. 16), "He that believeth 
not shall be damned." And as to rejecting any parti- 
cular branch, or Article of it, it must of consequence 
be a sin against the whole ; against truth, and peace, 
and therefore damnable in its own nature, as all wilful 
sins are without repentance. As to the allowances to 
be made for invincible ignorance, prejudice, or other 
unavoidable infirmities, as they will be pleadable in 
the case of any other sin, so may they, and will they 
also be pleadable in this; but it was foreign to the 
purpose of the Creed to take notice of it in this case 
particularly, when it is common to all cases of like 
nature, and is always supposed and understood, though 
not specially mentioned. 

3. And the Catholic faith is this; that tee worship 
one God in Trinity^ and Trinity in Unity, 

One of the principal branches of the Catholic Faith, 
and which is of nearest concernment (since our worship 
depends upon it, and the main body of the Christian 
religion is bound up in it), is the doctrine of a Trinity 
in Unity, of three Persons and one God, recommended 
in our baptism as the object of our faith, hope, and 
worship. He that takes upon him to corrupt or 
deprave this most fundamental part of a Chiistiaii's 



faith cannot be innocent, it being his bounden duty 
to maintain and preserve it, as be will answer it 
another day. 

4. Neither confounding the Persons, nor dividing the 

Here would be no need of these particular cautions, 
or critical terms, in relation to this point, had men 
been content with the plain primitive faith in its native 
simplicity. But as there have been a set of men, called 
Sabellians, who have erroneously taught that the Father, 
Son, and Holy Ghost are all one Person, who was incar- 
nate, and suffered, and rose again, — making the Father 
(and Holy Ghost) to have suffered, as well as the Son 
(from thence called Patripassians) — hence it becomes 
necessary to caution every pious Christian against con- 
founding the persons as those men have done : and as 
there have been others, particularly the Arians, who 
have pretended, very falsely, that the three Persons are 
three substances, and of different kinds, divided from 
each other, one being before the other, existing when 
the other two were not, as also being present where the 
other two are not present ; these false and dangerous 
tenets having been spread abroad, it is become neces- 
sary to give a caution against dividing the substance, 
as these have done, very much to the detriment of 
sobriety and truth. 

5. For there is one Person of the Father, another of 
the Son, and another of the Koly Ghost, 

The Sabellians, therefore, were extremely to blame 
in confounding the Persons, and running them into 
one, taking away the distinction of Persons plainly 
taught in Scripture. 


6. But the Godhead of the Father, of the Son, and 
of the Holy Ghost is all one, the glory equal, the majesty 

The Arians, therefore, were equally to blame for 
dividing the substance and Godhead in the manner be- 
fore hinted. To be a little more particular on this 
head, we may go on to open and explain this Unity of 
Godhead, equality of glory, and coetemity of majesty. 

7. Such as the Father is, such is the Son, and such is 
the Soly Ghost, 

That is, as to their substance and Godhead, there is 
no difference or inequality amongst them, though there 
is a difference in respect of some personal acts and pro- 
perties, as shall be observed in its place. In real dig- 
nity and perfection they are equal and undivided, as in 
the instances here following. 

8. The Father uncreate, the Son uncreate, and the 
Holy Ghost uncreate. 

These three Persons were never brought into being 
by the will of another; they are no creatures, nor 
changeable, as creatures are ; they are all infinitely re- 
moved from dependence or precarious existence, one as 
much as another, and every one as much as any one. 
They exist in the highest and most emphatical sense of 
existing, which is called necessary existence, opposed 
to contingent or precarious existence. In a word, 
every person must, and cannot but exist; and all 
must exist together, having the same unchangeable 

9. The Father incomprehensible, the Son incomprehen- 
sible, and the Holy Ghost incomprehensible. 

These words are not a just translation of the Latin 


original, though contaming as true and just a proposi- 
tion as the Latin words do. Immensus signifies omm- 
present, rather than incomprehensible, in the modem 
sense of incomprehensible. But if by incomprehensible 
be understood, not to be comprehended within any 
bounds, it will then answer to the Latin pretty nearly. 
The translator here followed the Greek copy «, taking 
perhaps the Creed to be the original language wherein 
the Greek was written. However, some Latins have 
understood by immensus, incomprehensible^, in such 
a sense as has been hinted. 

10. The Father eternal, the Son eternal, and the Holy 
Ghost eternal, 

Kone of the Persons ever began to be, nor shall 
ever cease to be ; they always were, they always will 
be, and must be; the same yesterday, to-day, and 
for ever. 

11. And yet they a/re not three Eternals, but one 

Some account ought to be given of this manner of 
speaking, because it often occurs in the Creed, and may 
be thought most apt to offend the malicious, or to mis- 

« There are two printed Greek copies, which read dKardKriwros, 
Atephens's, first printed by Bryling, and Baifius's, first printed by 
Genebrard : which two copies are in the main one. Our transla- 
tors, in 1548, could have seen none but Bryling's, that is, Stephens's 
copy. The Constantinopolitan copy, publitihea by Genebrard, reads 
iwtipos ; the Palatine copy, by Felckman. ifitrpos. The Saxon, 
French, and old English versions, exactly follow the Latin original. 
As does also the Primer of 1539, set forth by John Hilse^, Bishop 
of Rochester ; and the other later one of 1555 by Cardmal Pole. 
The first has irmneasurable (where we have incomprehensible), the 
other has without measure. 

<* " Immensus Pater : non mole, sed potestate omnia oondudente. 
Vel immensus, id est, incomprehensibilis." — Abselard, in Symb, 
Athanas.t P. 382. (The page is numbered 368 by mistake, but it 
should be 382). 


lead the unwary. The way of speaking came in a little 
after the middle of the fourth century, and then only 
into the Latin Church ; for the Greeks never used it, 
hut taught the same things under a different form of 
expression. What Greeks and Latins hoth intended 
was, that as the three Persons are one suhstance and one 
God, so every Divine perfection and every substantial 
attribute belonging to any one person is common to all ; 
and there is nothing peculiar to any one but the Divine 
relations. To the Father, paternity and whatever it 
implies or carries with it ; to the Son, filiation ; to the 
Holy Ghost, procession. In this account, eternity, 
immensity, omnipotence, and the like, heing substan- 
tial attributes, are common to all the Three Persons ; 
who have therefore one eternity, one immensity, one 
omnipotence, and so on, as one substance and one God- 
head. Thus far Greeks and Latins agreed both in doc- 
trine and expression. But the Latins, building here- 
upon, thought it very allowable to go a little farther 
(which the Greeks did not)> and to express the same 
thing by saying of the three Persons, that they are one 
eternal, one immense, one omnipotent, one holy, one un- 
created, &c. And this was the current language at the 
making, and before the making, of this Creed. The 
Arians were the sole occasion of introducing both kinds 
of expression, which must therefore be interpreted ac- 
cordingly. Two things were designed by them : one, to 
obviate the Arian tenet, that the three Persons were dif- 
fering in kind and in degree, as being of unequal per- 
fections; the other to obviate the Arian charge, or 
calumny, upon the Church as making three Gods, ^n 
regard to the former, when the Catholics speak of one 


Divinity, they intend equal Divinity, not Divinities 
differing in kind or degree ; and in regard to the latter, 
they further mean undivided and inseparable Divinity, 
not many Divinities. The true meaning, then, and the 
full meaning of the expressions of the Creed will be 
very clear and obvious. The three Persons are equal 
in duration, and undivided too ; one Eternity (one, be- 
cause undivided and inseparable) is common to all, and 
therefore they are not three EtemaU, but one Eternal, 

The oldest writers who have used this way of ex- 
pression are, so far as I have observed, Ambrose, Faus- 
tinus, and Austin; and their meaning in it is very 
plain and certain, from the places themselves where 
they make use of it. Fulgentiiis, who came not long 
after them, sometimes falls into the same manner of 
expression • ; but sparingly, as if he either did not fully 
attend to it, or had some scruple about it; for his 
general way is to say, not three eternal Gods, hut one 
eternal God^, instead of the other in the Creed, and so 

* ** Relativa nomina Trinitatem &ciunt, essentialia vero nullo 
modo triplicantur. Deus Pater, Deus Filias, DeuB Spiritus Sanctus. 
Bonus Pater, bonus Filius, bonus Spiritus Sanctos. Pius Pater, 
pius Filius, plus Spiritus Sanctus. Justus Pater, Justus Filius, 
Justus et Spiritus Sanotus. Omnipotens Pater, omnipotens Filius, 
omnipotens et Spiritus Sanotus. Kt tamen non dicimus nee Tres 
Deos, nee Tres oonos, nee Tres pios, nee Tres justos, nee Tres om- 
nipotentes, sed unum Deum, bonum, pium, iustum, omnipotentem, 
Patrem et Filium et Spiritum sanctum.*— Fulgent., de Trin., 
0. 2, p. 330. 

' " i£temu8 est sine initio Pater, sBtemus est sine initio Filius, 
setemus est sine initio Spiritus Sanctus : nee tamen tres Dii setemi 
sed unus setemus Deus." — Fulgent., ad Ferrand.y Epist. 14, § 6, 
p. 232. 

''Immensusest Pater, sed immensus est Filius, et immensus est 
et Spiritus Sanctus : neo tamen tres Dii immensi, sed unus Deus 
immensus." — Fulfi^ent., ib, 

*' Omnipotens Pater ; Omnipotens Filius, omnipotens Spiritus 
Sanctus ; neo tameri tres Dii omnipotentes, sed unus Deus omnipo- 
tena eat Pater, et Filius, et Spiritus Sanctus." — Fulgent, ib. 


in the like cases. "WTiich, indeed, is a very insipid and 
dull way of expressing it, and if applied to every Arti- 
cle in the Athanasian Creed, would make it a very flat 
composition in comparison to what it is. It is true, 
that all at length resolves into this, that the three 
Persons are not three Gods, but one God, This is the 
ground and foundation, and the other is the super- 
structure. But then it is a flne and elegant, as well 
as a solid superstructure ; improving the thought, and 
carrying on a train of new and distinct propositions, 
and not merely a jejune and sapless repetition of the 
same thing. 

12. As also there are not three IncomprehensihleSf nor 
three Uncreated; hut one Uncreated, and one Incom- 
prehensible ^. 

ITot three Incomprehensibles, &c., as not differing 
either in kind or degree of incomprehensibility, nor 
yet divided in those perfections; but one Incompre- 
hensible, and one Uncreated, one as to the kind and 
degree of those attributes or perfections; and one in 
number, too, as much as union and inseparability, infi- 
nitely close and perfect, can be conceived to make, or 
do really make one. 

13. So likewise the Father is Almighty, the Son Al- 
mighty, and the Holy Ghost Almighty, 

Equally Almighty every one, without any difference 
or inequality in kind or degree. 

ff Here, again, one may perceiye what copy our translators fol- 
lowed, namely, Bryling's Greek copy. All the other copies, Greek 
and Latin, place tbe words in a different order : " Not three un- 
created, nor three incomprehensibles, but one uncreated," &c. Only 
the Ambrosian Latin copy reads, ''Not three uncreated, nor three 
incomprehensibles (immense) but one incomprehensible (immense) 
and one uncreated." 


14. And yet they a/re not three Almighties, hut one 

One Omnipotence, or Almightiness, is common to all 
three : one in kind as being of equal extent, and 
equally reaching over all ; and one also in number, be- 
cause of the inseparable union amonj? the three, in the 
inward perfection, and outward exercise, or operation. 

15. So the Father is God, tJie Son is God, and the 
Holy Ghost is God, 

The whole three Persons equally Divine, and enjoy- 
ing every perfection belonging to the Godhead. 

16. And yet they are not three Gods, hut one God. 
Because the Godhead or Divinity which belongs 

to one, belongs to all : the same in kind because of 
the equality, and the same in number because in- 
separably one. 

17. So likewise the Father is Lord, the Son Lord, 
and the Holy Ghost Lord, 

Having the same right of dominion, and of equal 
dominion; and equally exercising it when and where 
they please. 

18. And yet not three Lords, hut one Lord, 
Because one dominion is common to all three, jointly 

possessing, and jointly exercising every branch of it; 
undividedly, and inseparably bearing supreme rule 
over all. 

19. For, like as we a/re compelled hy the Christian 
verity to acknowledge every Person hy Simself to he God 
and Lord; so are we forhidden hy the Catholic religion 
to say, There he three Gods, or three Lords, 

That is to say, the whole foundation of what hath 
been before taught rests upon this, that the same Chris- 


tian verity f or truthy laid down in Scripture, obliges us 
to acknowledge every Person distinctly considered to 
be Ood and Lord; and at tbe same time to reject the 
notion of three Gods or three Lords : which being so, 
all that has been here taught must, of course, be ad- 
mitted as true, right, and just. And now, having con- 
sidered the equality cmd union of the three sacred 
Persons, it may next be proper to consider their dis- 
tinction, as it is set forth to us in Scripture by the seve- 
ral personal characters belonging to the Father, Son, 
and Holy Ghost. 

20. The Father is made of none, neither created nor 

Were I at liberty to make conjectural emendations, 
I would here read. Pater a ntdlo est : neque facttis, nee 
Sfc, The Father is of none : neither made, nor created, 
Sfc. And thus the next Article {The Son is of the 
Father alone) would better answer, «uid the whole 
would be more elegcmt. But having met with no 
copy^ to countenance such a correction, I must not 
pretend to it, lest ft should appear like correcting the 
author. However, the sense is very plain and obvious. 
All the three negatives here predicated of the Father 
amount to this one, that He is absolutely of none. 
This is His peculiar property. His distinguishing cha- 

^ Lazarus Baifius's copy, in Genebrard, reads, 6 irar^p &ir' obHtySs 
iffTi. But then it entirely omits iroirirhSf which, as is plain from 
what follows in the Creed, ought Dot to be omitted. Had the copy 
run thus, Air* 0^9^65 iari, oth't fi^v voirrrhs. oCrt Kritrrhs, &c., it 
would have answered my meaning. Indeed, the first Greek copy 
in Labbe's Councils (vol. ii. p. 601), and third in Montfaucon, 
run in 8uch a way as I suppose : but then I take them to have 
been patched up from sevenil distinct copies, at tbe pleasure of the 
editor or editors ; and none of tbe Latin copies will warrant suth 
a reading. 


ncteTf to be first in order, and the Head of ererythiog ; 
to whom eren the Son and Holy Ghost are referred, 
bnt diversely and in different manner. 

21. The San i$ of the Father alone ; not made, nor 
treated^ but begotten. 

The Son is here said to be of the Father alone, in 
contradistinction to the Holy Ghost, to be named after, 
who is not of the Father alonej but of both. The 
Greeks that struck out the words, and of the Son, 
below, and left the word alone here, were not aware 
of it. This conduct of theirs betrayed a shortness of 
thought, and at the same time served to shew that the 
Latins had not been interpolators of the Creed, but 
that the Greeks had been curtailers. It must, how- 
ever, be owned, that the Greeks who drew up that form, 
which Bishop Usher printed from Junius, were wise 
enough to observe how this matter stood, and therefore 
struck out the word alone here, as well as and of the 
Son below. 

22. The Holy Ghost is of the Father, and of the Son ; 
neither made, nor created, nor begotten, but proceeding. 

The peculiar and distinguishing character of the 
Holy Ghost is to proceed, and to proceed both from 
Father and Son. Indeed, the Son and Holy Ghost are 
both of the Father, but in a different manner, to us in- 
explicable ; one by the way of generation, the other by 
procession, though the word Procession, in a lax sense, 
has been sometimes applied to either. However, to 
proceed from the Father and the Son, or, as the Greeks 
will needlessly cavil, from the Father by the Son ; that 
is peculiar to the Holy Ghost. The Greeks and Latins 
have had many and tedious disputes about the Proces- 


sion. One thing is observable, that though the ancients, 
appealed to by both parties, have often said that the 
Holy Ghost proceeds /row the Father j without mention- 
ing the Son, yet they never said that He proceeded 
from the Father alone ; so that the modem Greeks have 
certainly innovated in that Article, in expression at 
least, if not in real sense and meaning. As to the 
Latins, they have this to plead, that none of the an- 
cients ever condemned their doctrine; that many of 
them have expressly asserted it; that the Oriental 
Churches themselves rather condemn their taking upon 
them to add anything to a Creed formed in a general 
Council than the doctrine itself; that those Greek 
Churches that charge their doctrine as heresy, yet are 
forced to admit much the same thing, only in different 
words ; and that Scripture itself is plain that the Holy 
Ghost proceeds at least by the Son, if not from Him, 
which yet amounts to the same thing. 

I should here observe, that some time before the com- 
piling of this Creed, the usual Catholic way of speaking 
of the Holy Ghost was to say, that He was nee ^enitm, 
nee mgemttts, neither begotten nor unhegotten, while this 
Creed, by barely denying Him to be begotten, seems to 
leave room to think that He is unhegotten. This raised 
a scruple in the minds of some here in England, con- 
cerning that part of the Creed, above 700 years ago, as 
we learn from Abbo Floriacensis of that time. For 
Gregory's Synodicon admitted here, as well as this 
Creed, had the very expression concerning the Holy 
Ghost, nee tngenttus, nee genttm. It might have been 
easy to end the dispute, only by distinguishing upon 
the equivocal meaning of the word ingenitiM, It had 


been taken from the Greek, ayivriTosy which signified 
not barely unhegotten, bat absolutely underived : in this 
sense the Holy Ghost could not be said to be ingenitus. 
But if it barely means not begotten^ it may be applied 
to Him, as it is in the Creed. The whole difficulty 
then arose only from the scantiness of the Latin tongue, 
in not affording a single word which should fully ex- 
press the Greek aytvrjros, " unoriginate." Ingenitm might 
tolerably do it; but the word was more commonly 
taken in a narrower construction. Peter Abelard has 
hit off the whole difficulty very clearly ; whose words, 
therefore, I have thrown into the margin *. 

23. So there is one Father ^ not three Fathers; one 
Son, not three Sans; one Holy Ghost, not three Holy 

Whether this paragraph be borrowed from St. Austin, 
or from an elder writer under the name of Ignatius, 
I know not. The foundation of it was laid in 1 Cor, 
viii. 6, ons God the Father, and one Lord Jesus Christ; 
to which it was usual to add, after reciting it, and one 
Holy Ghost, to complete the whole number of the Divine 
Persons. The intent and purport of the words in this 
Creed is to set forth the distinction of the three Persons 
and their several offices and characters; that there is 
one Father, and that He alone is unoriginate, is First 

1 ** Solum itaque Patrem ingenituxn dioimus, hoc est, a seipso 
non ab alio : undo Augustinus adversus Felicianum Arrianuxn ; Fa- 
trem ingenitum dioo, quia non prooessit ab altero . . . Aliud itaque 
dicere est Patrem ingenitum, aliud non genitum . . . Spiritus vero 
Sanctus ipse quoque est non genitus . . . Nee tamen ideo est ioge- 
nitus, cum ipse ab alio sit, tam a Patre scilicet quam a Filio proce* 
dens. Solus itaque Pater ingenitus dicitur, sicut solus Filius geni- 
tus : Spiritus vero Sanctus nee genitus est, nee ingenitus, sed, ut 
dictum est, non genitus." — ^Abslard., Introd. ad Theolog., lib. 1. 
c 6, p. 983. 


Person, is Head, &c., and neither the Son nor Holy 
Ghost have any share in these titles or characters to 
make three TJnoriginates, three Heads, &c. That there 
is one Son, and He alone hegotteny and afterwards incar- 
nate, &c., which characters and offices belong not to 
the other two, but are distinct and appropriate to one. 
And there is one Holy Ghost, whose character is to 
proceed, and whose office is to sanctify, which charac- 
ter and office are not to be ascribed in the same sense 
to the other two ; for that would be confounding the 
personal characters cmd offices, cmd making three KoVy 
Ghosts instead of one. 

24. And in this Trinity, none is afore or after other, 
none is greater or less than another ; hut the whole three 
Persons are coeternal together and coequal. 

The compiler of the Creed now returns to the equa- 
lity and unity of the Persons ; that he may at length 
sum and throw into a short compass what he had said 
upon the Trinity before he should pass on to the other 
great Article, the Incarnation. When it is said, none 
is afore or after other, we are not to understand it of 
order ; for the Eather is first, the Son second, and the 
Holy Ghost third in order. Neither are we to under- 
stand it of office ; for the Eather is supreme in office, 
while the Son and Holy Ghost condescend to inferior 
offices. But we are to understand it, as the Creed 
itself explains it, of duration, and of dignity ; in which 
respect none is afore or after, none greater or less, but 
the whole three Persons coeternal and coequal. 

25. So that in all things, as is aforesaid, the Unity in 
Trinity, and the Trinity in Unity is to he worshipped. 

In all things {per omnia) as is aforesaid. One of the 


Greek copies tacks these words to the former Article, 
making them run thus : coequal in all things, as afore- 
said. Another Greek copy reads them thus : coequal in 
all things; so that in all things, as is now said, &c. 
Both interpret the all things of the coequality in all 
things. And, indeed, Yenantius Eortunatus, in his 
Comment, long hefore, seems to have understood, per 
omnia, in the same way, to signify that the Son is what 
the Father is, in all essential or substantial perfections. 
And it is favoured both by what goes before and after ; 
for, from speaking of the coetemity and coequalitg, the 
author proceeds to say, so that in all things, as afore- 
said, the Unity in Trinity, and the Trinity in Unity is 
to he worshipped ; namely, on account of their perfect 
coetemity and coequality : to which he subjoins. He 
therefore that will he saved, Sfc, Wherefore I incline 
to the moderate opinion of those who think that the 
author here does not lay the stress upon every little 
nicety of explication'^ before given, but upon the main 
doctrine of a coequal and coetemal Trinity ; which is 
the very construction given by Hincmar 900 years ago, 
or nearly*. And WicklifTs comment upon the same 

^ Le Quien's ingenious and handsome reflection upon the con- 
duot of Pope Gregory the Ninth's legates, may deserve a recital 
here : — 

" Quaraquam non possum quin infi^enue fatear Nuncios Aposto- 
licos consultius facturos fuiese, si ab ejusmodi sententia pronun- 
tianda sibi temperassent ; Qui credit Spiriium Sanctum non pro- 
cedere ex FUio, in ma perditionis ett : tunc quippe temporis £c- 
clesia Catholica in nulla Synodo Grenerali hoc de capite judicium 
definitorium tulerat/* — ^Panopl, contr. Schitm. Qracor., ssecxiii. 
c. 1, § 23, p. 860. 

1 '* £t in hac Trinitate nihil est prius, nihil posterius ; nihil 
majus, aut minus ; sed totsB tres PersonsB cosetemsB sibi sunt et 
cosequales : ita ut per omnia, et nnitas Deitatis in Trinitate Per- 
sonarum, et Trinitas Personaram in unitate Deitatis veneranda est." 
— flincm., de non Trina Deitale, vol. i. c. 17, p. 540. 


passage, when put into a modern dress, may appear not 
contemptible : ** And so we conclude here, as is before 
said, that there is both an Unity of Godhead, cmd 
a Trinity of Persons; and that the Trinity in this 
Unity is to be worshipped above all things ; and who- 
soever will be saved must thus think of the Trinity, if 
not thus explicitly (or in every particular), yet thus in 
the general, or implicitly." 

26. Se therefore that ivill he saved, must thus think of 
the Trinity, 

Thus, as consisting of three Persons, coetemal and 
coequal, and all one God ; distinct enough to be three, 
united enough to be one ; distinct without division, 
united without confusion. 

27. Furthermore^ it is necessary to everlasting saka- 
tion, that he also believe rightly °* the Incarnation of our 
Lord Jesus Christ, 

Much depends upon our having true and just senti- 
ments of the Incarnation, in which the whole oeconomy 
of our salvation is nearly concerned. To corrupt and 
deprave this doctrine is to defeat and frustrate, in 
a great measure, the Gospel of Christ, which bringeth 
salvation : wherefore it is of great moment, of everlast- 
ing concernment to us, not to be guilty of doing it our- 
selves, nor to take part with those that do. 

28. For the right faith is, that we believe and confess 
that our Lord Jesus Christy the Son of God, is God and Man, 

There have been heretics who would not allow that 
our Saviour Christ was Man, but in such a sense as 

" *Of>0w irwrTf^jrp, So Bryling*8 Greek copy. The Latin 
copies have, Fideliter credai. Some Greek copies read, Ttiarm, or 
/3c3aia»f, though two, besides Bryling's, have also 6p6&s, 


a shadow, or a picture of a man, may be called a man ; 
and there have been others who would not allow that 
Christ is God but in such a sense as any creature what- 
ever might be called, or may be made a God. But all 
good Christians have ever abhorred those vile tenets, 
and conformably to Scripture, rightly and justly inter- 
preted, have believed and confessed that Christ is both 
really God and really Man, one God-man. 

29. God, of the substance of the Father, begotten before 
the worlds; and Man, of the substance of His Mother, 
bom in the world. 

We are forced to be thus particular and expressive 
in the wording of this Article, because of the many 
wiles, equivocations, and disguises of those who endea- 
vour to corrupt the faith. The Arians make of Christ 
a created God, and call Him God on account only of 
His office, and not of His nature or unchangeable sub- 
stance. For this reason, we are obliged to be particular 
in expressing His substance, as being not frail, mutable, 
perishing, as the substance of creatures is, but eternal 
and unchangeable, and all one with the Father's. On 
the other hand, the Apollinarians and other heretics 
have pretended either that Christ had no human body 
at all, or that He brought it with Him from heaven, 
and took it not of the Virgin- Mother. We are there- 
fore forced to be particular in this profession, that He 
was Man of the substance of His Mother : which, though 
it be not taught in express words, yet is very plainly 
the sense and meaning of Holy Scripture on this Arti- 
cle ; and was never questioned till conceited men came 
to pervert the true doctrine of Sacred Writ by false 
glosses and comments of their own. 


30. Perfect God and perfect Man ; of a reasonable 
soul and' human Jlesh subsisting. 

Here, again, the perverseness of heretics has made it 
necessary to guard the Faith by strong and expressive 
words that cannot easily be eluded. Christ is perfect 
Qod, not such a nominal imperfect God as Arians and 
Photinians pretend. He is, moreover, perfect Man, 
which it is necessary to insist upon against the Apolli- 
narians, who pretended that He had a human body 
only, without any rational soul, imagining the Logos 
to have supplied the place of the rational or reasonable 
soul : whereas, in reality, He had both soul and bodi/, 
as aU men have, and was therefore perfect Man, 

31. Equal to the Father, as touching His Godhead: 
and inferior to the Father, as touching Sis Manhood, 

Which needs no comment. 

32. WTio, although Se be God and Man, yet He is not 
two, but one Christ, 

This is said to guard against calunmy and miscon- 
struction ; for, because the Church asserted two natures 
in Christ, whereby He is both perfect God and perfect 
Man, the ApoUinarians, having an hypothesis of their 
own to serve, pretended that this was making two 
Christs, a Divine Christ, as to one nature, and a human 
Christ in the other : which was a vain thought, since 
both the natures joined in the one God-man make still 
but one Christ, both God and man. 

33. One, not by conversion of the Godhead into flesh, 
but by taking of the manhood into God. 

The ApoUioarian way of making one Christ, by con- 
founding the two natures in one, and by subjecting the 
Godhead to change, is here condemned. There is no 




need of rmming these injudicioTis and absord lengths 
for solving the difficulty how the two natures make 
one Christ : He did not change His Divine nature, or 
convert it into flesh, though He be said to have been 
made flesh; He took flesh upon Him, He assumed 
human nature, took man into an union with God, and 
thus was He one Christ, 

34. One altogether , not hy eonftision of st^staneey hut 
hy unity of Person, 

We are thus forced to distinguish with the utmost 
nicety and accuracy, to obviate the cavils and pretences 
of heretics. Christ, then, is one altogether ^ entirely 
one, though his two natures remain distinct. He is 
not one by confounding or mingling two natures or 
substances into one nature or substance (as the Apolli- 
narians pretended), but by uniting them both in one 
person; one I, one He, one Christ, as Scripture every- 
where represents. 

35. For as the reasonable soul and flesh is one Man ; 
so Ood and Man is one Christ. 

That is to say, there are two very distinct and dif- 
ferent substances in man, a body and a soul : one ma- 
terial, the other immaterial ; one mortal, the other 
immortal; and both these substances, nevertheless, 
make up but one man. Kot by confounding or min- 
gling those two different substances (for they are en- 
tirely distinct and different, and will ever remain so), 
but by uniting them in one Person, Even so may the 
two distinct natures. Divine and human, in Christ make 
one person ; and this is really and truly the case in fsict. 

36. Who suffered for ou/r salvation^ descended into 
Sell, rose again the third day from the dead. 


The author, having finished his explication of the 
great Article of God ineamatey now goes on to other 
parts of the Creed, such as were commonly inserted in 
the Creeds before. The Article of The Descent into HeU 
had not, indeed, at this time come into the Koman, 
otherwise called the Apostles* Creed ; but it had been 
inserted in the Creed of Aquileia, and had been all 
along the standing doctrine of the Church. I shall 
leave it, as our Church has left it, without any parti- 
cular interpretation, referring the reader to those who 
have commented on the Apostles' Creed, and particu- 
larly to the much-admired author of the history of it, 
who hath exhausted the subject. 

37. He ascended into Heaven, He sitteth on the right 
hand of the Father , God Almighty , from whence He shall 
come tojvdge the quick and the dead. 

These are all so many Articles of the Eoman Creed, 
and probably taken from it; excepting only that the 
words, God Almighty, appear not in the most ancient 
manuscripts ; and, very probably, were not originally 
in this Creed any more than in the ancient Eoman. 

38. At whose coming all men shall rise again with 
their bodies, and shall give account for their own works. 

Here are two very expressive phrases, all men, all 
that have died, or shall die, to obviate the false opinion 
of a partial resurrection ; and with their bodies, to ob- 
viate the notion of those who either thought that the 
soul only should continue for ever, while the body 
should be left to perish, or that the resurrection-body 
should be quite of another matter, form, or kind, them 
what our bodies are here. I have hinted, in my Latin, 
notes above, that some words are wanting in the Ambro- 


sian manuscript ; and I may here observe farther, that 
in the words of the Creed, as they commonly run, there 
is not all the accuracy that might have been ; for 
all men shall not rise, but only aU that die. How- 
ever, it seems that about that time there was some 
variety of sentiments in respect of that Article, as 
we may learn from Gennadius " ; which was owing to 
the different reading of 1 Cor. xv. 51, from whence, 
probably, arose some variation in the copies of this 
Creed. See Pearson on the Apostles' Creed, Article 7, 
p. 532. 

39. And they that have done good shall go into life 
everlasting, and they th^t ha/ce done evil into everlast^ 
ing fire. 

This is the express doctrine of Scripture, and ap- 
pears almost in the same words, John v. 28, Matt. xxv. 
46, to say nothing of many other texts to the same 
effect. Yet this Article, or rather these two Articles, 
had not gained admittance into the Apostles' Creed so 
early as the fourth century, the latter of them not at 
all. But, I suppose, the opinion said to have been 
started by Origen, that wicked men, and even devils, 
after a certain revolution, should have their release and 

■ " Omnium hominum erit resurrectio : si omnium erit, ergo 

onrines moriuntur, ut mors ab Adam ducta omnibus filiis ejus do- 

minetuTj et maneat illud privilegium in Domino, quod de eo spe- 

oialiter dicitur : non dabis Sanctum tuum videre corruptionem. 

.... Hanc rationem, maxima patrum turba trad en te, suscepimus. 

Verum quia sunt et alii, aequo Catholici et eruditi viri, qui crodunt, 

anima in corpore manente, mutandos ad incorruptionem et immor- 

talitatem eos qui in Adventu Domini vivi inveniendi sunt, et hoc 

eis re^utari pro resurrectione ex mortuis, quod mortalitatem im- 

^^HMrtatione deponant, non morte ; quolibet quis adquiesoat modo, 

^^^^^^^^••t hsereticus, nisi ex contentione haereticus fiat. Sufficit enim 

iT ^Bolesin lecfe, carnis resurrectionem credere futuram de morte." 

BNiiml, SccUi, Dogm,, o. 7, pp. 76, 77. 


restoration, might make it the more necessary, or con- 
venient at least, to insert these Articles in the Creeds, 
and to express the punishment of the damned hy the 
words eternal fire : for the Origenists, at that time, 
denied hoth the eternity of the fire and also its reality, 
as appears from Orosius in St. Austin °. 

40. This is the Catholic Faith, which except a man he^ 
lieve faithfully ^y he cannot he saved. 

This is to he understood, like all other such general 
propositions, with proper reserves and qualifying con- 
structions. As, for instance, if, after laying down 
a system of Christian morality, it he said. This is the 
Christian practice y which except a man faithfully observe 
and follow^ he cannot he saved, it would he no more than 
right and just thus to say : But no one could be sup- 
posed hereby to exclude any such merciful abatements 
or allowances as shall be made for men's particular cir- 
cumstances, weaknesses, frailties, ignorance, inability, 
or the like ; or for their sincere intentions, and honest 
desires of knowing and doing the whole will of God ; 
accompanied with a general repentance of their sins, 
and a firm reliance upon God's mercy, through the sole 
merits of Christ Jesus. There can be no doubt, how- 
ever, but that men are accountable for their Faith, as 

o *^ Ignem sane setemum, quo pecoatores puniantur, neque esse 
ignem veram, neque seternum prsedicaverunt, dicentes dictum esse 
ignem proprise consclentiae punitionem, seoeraum autem, juxta 
etymologiam Grscam, non esse perpetuum," &c — Epist. Orosii ad 
AtigusLf in August., vol. viii. p. 609. 

p UiffTcos inffrevap. So Bryling*8 copy, which our translators 

The Latin copies have, "fideliter, firmiterque crediderit." And 
the other Greek copies, UiffTus re koX fiffiaiws viareva'p. Or, 
iK iriffTecos fiefialws irioTC^op. 


well as for their practice ; and especially if they take 
upon them to instruct and direct others, trusting to 
their own strength and parts, against the united judg- 
ment and verdict of whole Churches, ancient and 


The Chttbch op Englhtd Yindicated, both as to the 
Receiving and Retaining the Athanasian Cbeed. 

Theee would be no occasion for this chapter, had not 
a late Author* of name and character, out of his abund- 
ant zeal to promote Arianism, taken upon him to dis- 
parage this excellent form of Faith ; nay, and to apply, 
with some earnestness, to the governors of our Church 
to get it laid aside. He thinks " it may well deserve the 
most serious and deliberate consideration of the gover- 
nors of the Church, whether it would not be more ad- 
vantageous to the true interest of the Christian religion 
to retain only those more indisputable forms' ;*' that is, 
to have this wholly taken away, or at least not im- 
posed in our Articles or Liturgy. Then he subjoins 
his reasons : which, because they may be presumed to 
be the closest and strongest that can be offered on that 
side, and because they have hitherto stood without any 
particular confutation on one hand, or retractation on 
the other, I shall here take upon me to answer them as 
briefly as may be. 

Objection L 

The first is, that this Creed is confessed not to be 
Athanasius's, but the composition of an uncertain ob- 
scure author, written in one of the darkest and most 
ignorant ages of the Church, having never appeared till 

• Clarke's Script Doctr., first edit., pp. 446, 447. 


about the year 800, nor been received in tbe Church 
till 80 very late as about the year 1000. 

Aiirsw. As to the false facts contained in this Article, 
I need only refer to the preceding sheets. As to the. 
Creed being none of Athauasius's, which is certainly 
true, it is to be considered that our Church receives it 
not upon the authority of its compiler, nor determines 
anything about its age or author ; but we receive it be- 
cause the truth of the doctrines contained in it may be 
proved by most certain warrants of Holy Scripture, as 
is expressly said in our Eighth Article. I may add, 
that the early and general reception of this Creed by 
Greeks and Latins, by all the Western Churches, not 
only before, but since the Reformation, must needs 
give it a much greater authority and weight than the 
single name of Athanasius could do, were it ever so 
justly to be set to it. Athanasius has left some Creeds 
and Confessions, undoubtedly his, which yet never have 
obtained the esteem and reputation that this hath done : 
because none of them are really of the same intrinsic 
value, nor capable of doing the like service in the 
Christian Churches. The use of it is, to be a standing 
fence and preservative against the wiles and equivoca- 
tions of most kinds of heretics. This was well under- 
stood by Luther, when he called it " a bulwark to the 
Apostles' Creed ^ ;" much to the same purpose with what 
has been above cited from Ludolphus Saxo ®. And it 

*> ** Athanasii scilicet Symbolum est paulo prolixius, et ad confu- 
tandot Arianos bsereticos, aliquanto uberius declarat, et illustrat 
altorum de Divinitate Christi Jesu . . . estque hoc velut 
Ilium primi illius Apo8tx)lici Symboli." — Lutier., de Trib. 
\f vol vii. p. 189. 
ftlio Alexander of Hales, 100 years before Ludolphus. 
i mnltipUcationis Symbolorum fuit triplex : lustructio Fidei, 


was this and the like considerations that have all along 
made it be of such high esteem among all the Reformed 
Churches, from the days of their great leader. 

Objection II. 

The second reason assigned for laying this form aside 
is, that it is so worded as that many of the common 
people cannot but be too apt to understand it in a sense 
favouring either Sabellianism or Tri theism. 

Answ. This objection is not particularly levelled 
against this Creed, but against all Creeds containing 
the doctrine of a Coetemal Trinity in Unity. It is 
therefore an objection rather against the Faith of the 
Church (which those gentlemen endeavour constantly 
to run down, under the notion of Sabellianism, or Tri- 
theism), than against this particular form of express- 
ing it. 

I may further add, that the common people will be 
in no danger of running either into Sabellianism or 
Tritheism if they attend to the Creed itself (which 
fally obviates and confutes both those heresies), instead 
of listening to those who first industriously labour to 
deceive them into a false construction of the Creed, and 
then complain of the common people's being too apt to 
misunderstand it. This is not ingenuous, nor upright 
dealing with the common people. 

Objection III. 
A third reason is, that there are in this Creed many 
phrases which . . . may seem to give unbelievers a need- 

veritatis explanatio, erroris excluslo. . . Erroris exclusio, propter 
baereses multiplices puUulantes, causa fuit Symboli Atbanasii, quod 
cantatur in prima." — Alexand. Aleus. , Part iii., q. 82 ; Membr. 2, 
vol. i. p. 279, (p. 541) ; Johan. Januensis in his Catholicon (An.l286)i 
under Syniholum, says the same thing. (See above, p. 37.) 


l6m adrantage of objecting agsdnst religion ; and among 
belieren themiielTea cannot bnt to the mlgar have too 
nini:;b the appearance of contradictions ; and sometimes 
(especially the damnatory clauses) hare given offence to 
the pioosest and most learned men, insomuch as to 
hare been the principal reason of Mr. Chillingworth's 
refusing to subscribe the X XX TX. Articles. 

Airsw, As to onbelierersy and their objections, the 
Church has been always able and willing to answer 
them ; sorry at the same time to find, that any who 
call themselves Christians should join with the unbe- 
lierers in the same trifling objections, thereby giving 
the unbelievers a very needless advantage and the most 
pernicious encouragement. As to vulgar believers, they 
suspect no contradictions, till some, who think them- 
selves above the vulgar, labour to create such a sus- 
picion in them. Leave the vulgar to their better 
guides and their true orthodox pastors, without endea- 
vouring to corrupt or seduce them, and then all will be 
safe and easy. 

As to Mr. Chillingworthy he had for a while, it is 
owned, some scruples upon him about the Fourth Com- 
mandment OS appertaining to Christians, and about the 
damnatory clauses in the Athanasian Creed, and there- 
fore refused to subscribe for a time. This was in the 
year 1635. But within three years after, upon more 
mature consideration, he happily got over his difficul- 
tioH, and subscribed, July the 20th, in the year 1638, 
ttH stands u[)on record in the office of Sarum, where he 
was iuHtitutod Chancellor of the Church **. 

<* " K^o OviHolmufi Chillingworth. Clerious, in Artibus Magister, 
ad CHnoollariatum Eoolesiio Cathedralia Beatn Maria Sarum, una 


Objection IV. 

A fourth reason offered, not for laying aside this 
Greedy I suppose, but for the governors taking it into 
consideration, is, that the Preface to the Book of Com- 
mon Prayer declares that particular forms of Divine 
Worship, and rites and ceremonies appointed to be used 
therein, being things in their own nature indifferent 
and alterable, may, upon the various exigency of times 
and occasions, be changed or altered. 

Answ. No doubt but the Church may, if it be 
thought proper or expedient, throw out all the Creeds 
out of her daily service, or Articles, and retain one 
only, in the office of Baptism, as formerly. But, I sup- 
pose, the authors of the Preface to the Book of Common 
Prayer had no thought of excluding any of "the three 
Creeds amongst their alterable forms of worship, or 
rites and ceremonies : nor will the revival of Arianism 
be ever looked upon as one of those exigencies of times 
that shall make it expedient to part with our Creeds, 
but a reason rather for retaining them the more firmly, 
or even for taking them in again, had any of them ever 
been unhappily thrown out. 

Objection V. 
A further reason pleaded is, that Scripture alone 
is sufficient ; that the primitive Church was very cau- 
tious about multiplying Creeds; that the Council of 

cum Pnebenda de Brin worth, alias Bricklesworth, id oomitatu 
Northampton Petriburgensis diceceseos in eadem Eccleaia fundata, 
et eidem Canoellariatui anneza, admittendus et instituendus, omni- 
bus hisce Articulis, et singulis in eisdem oontentis volens et ex 
animo subscribo, et consensum meum eisdem prsebeo, vicesimo die 
Julii, 1638."— Gulielmus ChiUingworth. ( Extract from the Register 
of the Church of Salisbury, inserted in the preface to the ninth 
edition of the Works of Chillingworth.) 


Ephesus forbade, under the penalty of an anathema, 
any other Creed after that of Nice to be proposed or 
received in the Church. 

Answ. The whole design and end of Creeds is to 
preserve the rule of faith, as contained in the Holy 
Scriptures, and not in the false glosses and corrupt in- 
ventions of men •. And when endeavours are used to 
poison those fountains of truth by ill comments and 
forced constructions, preservatives must be thought on to 
keep the fountain pure and the faith sound and whole. 

As to the primitive Churches, their constant way 
was to enlarge their Creeds in proportion to the growth 
of heresies, that so every corruption arising to the 
faith of Christ might have an immediate remedy ; with- 
out which prudent and wise caution the faith would 
have been lost in a little time through the wiles and 
artifices of subtle intriguing men. 

The Council of Ephesus made no order against new 
Creeds, that is, Creeds still more and more enlarged, 
if there should be occasion, but against a new Eaith 
{cTfpav Tria-TivYf a Eaith different from and repugnant to 
that of Nice, such as was offered by the Nestorians in 
that Council. This is the literal construction and real 
intended meaning of that decree of the Ephesine Coun- 
cil * ; though, had they intended it against the receiv- 

• Ow yhp &s l^o^etf iLvBp^irois a-vveridTi rh r^s viffrews' AW ix 
trdaris ypatprjs rh Kaipidnara cvWexOfyra /ilav ii/avKripoT rijy 
T^s iriffTews SiHaffKaKlau. — Cyrill., Catech., v. c. 12, p. 78. 

' 'Er^pav vlarriu firidevl i^elvai Trpo<l>4p€iv fjyovu (rvyypdupfiy ^ 
ffwriBevaiy iraph. r^v SpKrOeicrav Trapcb t&v aylooy varipfav rSov 4v 
rfj "NiKaewu ffwaxOtmuov v6\€i, — Cone. Ephes., Can. 7, in Bouth*s 
Opusc.j vol. ii. p. 8. 

( Le Quien, Panopl. c. Schism. Grcec, ssec. xi. o. 2, § 9, &ay 
p. 230 ; Dissertat. DamoMcn., p. 14, &c. 


ing any other form but the Nicene, all that follows 
from it is, that they thought no more necessary at that 
time, or that definitions in Councils (as in the Council 
of Chalcedon afterwards), or condemnation of heretical 
tenets might suffice, leaving the Baptismal Creed (all 
Creeds were such at that time) just as was before. 
However, the practice of the Church afterwards, in 
multiplying Creeds as need required, at the same time 
that they acknowledged the Ephesine Council, shews 
fully how they understood it. Nay, the constant re- 
ception of the Constantinopolitan Creed (which is the 
Nicene interpolated, and yet was never understood to 
be excluded by the Ephesine Canon) shews plainly the 
sense of the Synod in that matter. It is to be noted, 
that the Ephesine Council by Nicene Creed meant the 
Nicene strictly so called ^, and which had already been 
interpolated by the Constantinopolitan Council. 

Objection YI. 

Another plea offered is, that, in the year 1689, many 
wise and good prelates of our own (commissioned to 
review and correct our Liturgy) unanimously agreed 
that the use of the Athanasian Creed should no longer 
be imposed. 

Answ. There may be reason to question the truth of 
this report. There are two accounts which I have seen 
of this matter; one of Dr. Nichols, the other of Dr. 
Calamy, which he received of a friend. Dr. Nichols's 
account runs thus : — " Athanasius's Creed being dis- 
liked by many, because of the damnatory clauses, it 
was left to the minister's choice either to use it, or to 

^ Vid. Le Qaien, ib., p. 231 ; Dissert, Damascen,, p. 18. 


change it for the Apostles' Creed*.'* Dr. Calamy's ae- 
coant is thns : — ^' About the Athanasian Creed, they 
came at last to this conclusion : that least the wholly 
rejecting it should by unreasonable persons be imputed 
to them as Socinianism, a Bubric shall be made, setting 
forth, or declaring the curses denounced therein not to 
be restrained to every particular Article, but intended 
against those that deny the substance of the Christian 
religion in general*'." Now, jfrom these two accounts 
compared, it may be reasonable to believe that those 
wise and good prelates had once drawn up a scheme to 
be debated and canvassed, in which scheme it was pro- 
posed to leave every minister at liberty with respect to 
the Athanasian Creed; but, upon more mature con- 
sideration, they came at last to this conclusion, to im- 
pose the Creed as before, and to qualify the seeming 
harshness of the damnatory clauses by a softening 
Bubric. They were therefore at length unanimously 
agreed still to retain and impose this Creed, quite con- 
trary to the objector's Beport. And, indeed, it must 
have appeared very astonishing in the eyes of all the 
reformed Churches, Lutheran and Calvinist (who have 
the greatest veneration for this Creed), to have seen it 

* Nicholsii, Apparat. ad Defent. Eccl. Angl., p. 95. 

* Calamy's Life of Baxter, voL i p. 455. 

In a Postscript to his second edition. Dr. Waterland gives the 
rubric, of which he had procured a copy, at full length, as follows : 
" Upon these Feasts, Christmas Day, Batter Day, Ascension Day, 
Whitsunday, Trinity Sunday, and upon All Saints, shall be said at 
Morning Prayer, by the minister and people standing, instead of the 
Creed, commonly called the Apostles Creed, this Confession of our 
Christian Faith, commonly called the Creed of St. Athanasius, the 
Articles of which ought to be received and believed as being agree- 
able to the Holy ScripturesL And the condemning clauses are to 

understood as relating only to those who obstinately deny the 

^-"— of the Christian Faith." 



wholly rejected by the English clergy, when there had 
been no precedent before of any one Church in Chris- 
tendom that had done the like. Ail that ever received 
it have constantly retained it, and still retain it. It is 
further to be considered, that what those very worthy 
prelates at that time intended sprung from a just and 
becoming tenderness towards the Dissenters, because of 
their long scruples against the damnatory clauses ; but 
there is not the same reason at this day. The wiser 
and more moderate part of the Dissenting Ministers^ 
seem very well reconciled to the damnatory clauses, 
modestly expounded ; as Dr. "Wallis particularly has ex- 
pounded them, justly and truly, as well as modestly. 
And I am confident the soberer Dissenters would not, 
at this time, wish to see so excellent and so useful 
a form of faith laid aside, only to serve the interests of 
our new Arians. However, since the dtimnatory clauses 
were the main difliculty, a better way might have been 
contrived than was then thought on ; namely, to have 
preserved the whole Creed except those clauses which 
are separable from it. But the best of all, as I humbly 

1 ''This Creed, by whomsoever framed, hath been long received 
in the Church, and looked on as agreeable to the Scriptures, and an 
excellent explication of the Christian Faith. Constantinople, Rome, 
and the Berormed Churches have owned it ... . Our pious and ex- 
cellent Mr. Baxter, in his Method of Theol., p. 123, speaks thus of 
it: 'In a word, the damnatory sentences excepted, or modestly 
expounded (such a modest Explication of the Damnatory Clauses 
see in Dr. Wallis*, &c.), I embrace the Creed, commonly called 
Athanasius's, as the best explication of the Trinity. And in vol. ii. 
of his Works f, p. 132, says he, I unfeignedly account the doctrine 
of the Trinity the sum and kernel of the Christian religion, as ex« 
prest in our Baptism, and Athanasius his Creed the best explica- 
tion of it I ever read.' " — ^Doctrine of the Trinity btated, &c., by 
some London Ministers, pp. 62, 63. 

* Wallis, Explication of the Athanasian Creed, pp. 2, 3. 

t Baxter, tne Eeasons of the Christian Beligion, part ii. c. 10. 



conceivey is what has preyailed, aad still obtains, to let 
it stand as before, since the damnatory clauses have 
been often and sufficiently vindicated by the reformed 
Churches abroad ™ as well as by our own here. 

Objection Yll. 

It is pleaded farther, mostly in the words of Bishop 
Taylor ", that the Apostles' Creed is the Rule of Faith ; 
that this only is necessary to Baptism ; that what was 
once sufficient to bring men to heaven must be so now ; 
that there is no occasion for being so minute and par- 
ticular in the matter of Creeds ; with more to the like 

Airsw. 1. Dr. Taylor goes upon a false supposition, 
that the Creed called the Apostles' was compiled by 
the Apostles. 

2. He has another false presumption, appearing all 
the way in his reasonings on this head, that the Apostles' 
Creed has been always the same that it is now : whereas 
learned men know that it was not brought to its pre- 
sent entire form till after the year 600**; is nothing 

» TentzeliuB, a Lutheran, is very smart upon this head, against 
the ArminianSt for their objectine to the damnatory sentences. 

"Yerum injuste, atque impudenter accusant initium Symboli, 
quod pridem vindicarunt nostrates Theolo^ : Dannhawerus in 
Stylo Vindicey p. 200; Hulsemannus de AuxiliU Gratiot, p. 218; 
Kroroa^erus in Theologia Positivo PoUmica, pp. 98, 99 ; and in 
Serutinio Religionum, p. 205, aliique passim." — Tenizel., p. 110. To 
these which Tentzelius has mentioned, I may add David Pareus 
(a Calvinist), in his Comment upon this Creed, published at the end 
of Ursinus's Catechism, a.D. 1634, by Philip Pareus. 

n Taylor, Liberty of Prophesying, §§ 1, 10, 11, vol. v. p. 378. 

o I know not whether the words. Maker of Heaven and Earth, 
can be proved by any certain authority to have come into that 
Creed before the eighth centunr ; for after the best searches I have 
been hitherto able to make, 1 can find no copy (to be depended 
upon) higher than that time, which has that clause. 


else but the Baptismal Creed of one particular Church, 
the Church of Eome, and designedly short for the ease 
of those who were to repeat it at Baptism. Now, 
when we are told of the Apostles* Creed containing all 
that is necessary to salvation, and no more than is ne- 
cessary, we would gladly know whether it be meant of 
the old short B>oman Creed p, or of the present one con- 
siderably larger : and if they intend the old one, why 
application is not made to our governors to lay the new 
one aside, or to curtail and reduce it to its primitive 
size, by leaving out the Belief, or profession of God's 
being Creator of heaven and earth, and of Christ's being 
dead, and of His descent into hell, and of the Church 
being Catholic, and of the communion of saints, and 
life everlasting, as unnecessary Articles of Faith. Por 
why may not that suffice now which was once suffi- 
cient? or how can anything be necessary at this day 
that was not. so from the beginning? 

3. To set this whole matter right, it ought to be 
considered that Creeds were never intended to contain, 
as it were, a certain quantity of faith as necessary to 
bring men to heaven, and no more than is necessary. 
"Were this the case, all Creeds ought precisely to have 
consisted of an equal number of Articles, and the same 

p The old Roman (or Apostles*) Creed was no more than this, as 
may bo seen in Bishop Usher, de Symbol. ^ pp. 8, 10, (6, 9). 

" I believe in God the Father Almighty : And in Jesus Christ His 
only Son our Lord ; who was bom of the Holy Ghost and the Virgin 
Mary; crucified under Pontius Pilate, and buried, rose again the 
third day from the dead, ascended into heaven, sitteth at the right 
hand of the Father, from whence He shall come to judge the quick 
and dead. And in the Holy Ghost, the holy Church, the remis- 
sion of sins, the resurrection of the body. Amen." 

See also Reurtley^de Fide et Symholo, p. 31 ; where, however, the 
third Article is given, '* Qui natus est a Spiritu Sancto ex Maria 


in'li' ida^ Articles : whereas there are no two Creeds 
anywhere to be found which answer to such exactness. 
A plain argument that the Church, in forming of Creeds, 
early and late, went upon no such liew, but upon 
^(uite another principle. The design of all was, to 
keep up, as strictly as possible, the whole compages^ or 
fabric of the Christian Faith, as it stands in Scripture*. 
And if any part came to be attacked, they were then 
to bend all their cares to succour and relieve that part, 
in order still to secure the whole. Some few of the 
main stamina, or chief lines, were taken care of from 
the first, and made up the first Creeds : particularly 
the doctrine of the Trinity, briefly hinted, and scarce 
anything more, because the form of baptism led to it. 
As to other Articles, or larger explications of this, they 
came in occasionally, according as this or that part of 
tbo Christian Faith seemed most to be endangered, and 
to require present relief. And as this varied in several 
countries or Churches (some being more disturbed than 
others, and some with one kind of heresy, others with 
another), so the Creeds likewise varied ; some insisting 
particularly upon this Article, others upon that, as 
need required, and all still endeavouring to keep up 
and maintain one whole and entire system of the Chris* 
tian Faith, according to the true and full meaning of 
Sucred Writ. There is nothing more in it than the 
very nature and circumstance of the thing necessarily 
leads to. I may illustrate the case a little farther by 

4 *Eirffi8f) 7^ ob irdvrts Hyayrai rhs ypaipiis ivayuftia-Ktip, 
dAA^ rohs fA^v t!iia)r9ia, rohs 9^ d<rxo\ia ris iuiro!ilj^€i wpits r^v 
yyuffiv imip rod fx^ rV ^^X^*' ^1 iifiadlas d7roK4ff0cu, 4v hxlyott 
rott (Tiixois rh irav 96yfJM rris iri<rrto»s irtpi\afifidyofAt¥, — Cynl. 
Catech., v. o. 12, p. 78. 



an easy parallel between matters of faith and matters 
of practice. The sum of Christian practice is contained 
in two brief rules, — to love Gtod, and to love one's 
neighbour, which comprehend all. Ko one needs more 
than this ; nor, indeed, can there be anything more. 
But then a perverse man may possibly understand by 
God, not the true God, the God of Jews and Christians, 
but some other of his own devising, or such as has been 
received by pagans or heretics ; and he may understand 
by neighbour, one of his own country only, or tribe, 
or sect, or family. Well, then, to obviate any such 
method of undermining Christian practice, it will be 
necessary to be a little more particular than barely to 
lay down in brief to love God and one's neighbour : we 
must add, the true God, the God of Jews and Chris- 
tians, that very God and none else : and as to neigh- 
bour, we must insist upon it, that it means not this or 
that sect, tribe, party, &c., but all mankind. And now 
our rule of practice begins to extend and enlarge itself 
beyond its primitive simplicity, but not without rea- 
son. To proceed a little farther: mistakes and per- 
verse sentiments may arise in the interpreting the word 
love, so as thereby to evacuate and frustrate the pri- 
mary and fandamental rule; to correct and remove 
which it may be necessary still farther to enlarge the 
rule of practice, and to branch it out into many other 
particulars, which to mention would be needless. IN'ow, 
if such a method as this will of course be necessary to 
preserve the essentials of practice, let it not be thought 
strange if the like has been made use of to preserve the 
essentials of faith. There is the same reason and the 
like occasion for both; and if due care be taken in 


both to make all the branches hang naturally upon the 
primary and fundamental rules, and to adopt no foreign 
ones, as belonging thereunto when they really do not, 
then there is nothing in this whole affair but a just and 
prudent care about what most of all deserves it, and 
such as^will be indispensably required in every faithful 
minister or steward of the mysteries of God. To return 
to our point in hand : as more and more of the sacred 
truths, in process of time, came to be opposed, or 
brought in question, so Creeds have been enlarged in 
proportion, and an explicit profession of more and more 
Articles required of every candidate for baptism. And 
because this was not security sufficient, since many 
might forget, or not know, or not attend to what they 
had professed in their baptism (by themselves or by 
their sureties), it was found highly expedient and ne- 
cessary to insert one or more Creeds in the standing 
and daily offices of the Church, to remind people of that 
Faith which they had solemnly engaged to maintain, 
and to guard the unwary against the wily attempts of 
heretics to pervert them. . This is the plain and true 
account of Creeds, and of their use in the Christian 
Churches. And therefore, if any man would talk sense 
against the use of this or that Creed in any Church, he 
ought to shew either that it contains such truths as 
no man ever did, or, in all probability, never will op- 
pose (which will be a good argument to prove the 
Creed superfluous), or that it contains Articles which are 
not true, or are at best doubtful, which will be a good 
argument to prove such a Creed hurtful. Now, as to 
the Athanasian form, it will hardly be thought super- 
^VLOUB, so long as there are any Arians, Photinians, 


Sabellians, Macedonians, Apollinarians, Kestorians, or 
Eutychians, in this part of the world; and as to its 
being hurtfal, that may then be proved when it can be 
shewn that any of those forementioned heresies were 
no heresies, or have not been justly condemned. 

If it be pleaded that the vulgar, knowing little of 
any of those heresies, will therefore know as little of 
what the Greed means, and so to them it may be at least 
dry and insipid, if not wholly useless ; to this I an- 
swer, that there no kinds of heretics but hope to make 
the vulgar understand their tenets respectively, and to 
draw them aside from the received Faith of the Church; 
and therefore it behoves the pastors of the Church to 
have a standing form, to guard the people against any 
such attempts. The vulgar will understand, in the 
general, and as far as is ordinarily to them necessary, 
the main doctrines of a Trinity in unity, and of God 
incarnate ; and as to particular explications, whenever 
they have occasion to look farther, they will find the 
true ones laid down in this Creed, which will be useM 
to prevent their being imposed upon at any time with 
false ones. If they never have occasion to go farther 
than generals, there is no hurt done to them by abund* 
ant caution : if they have, here is a direction ready for 
them, to prevent mistakes. It is not pretended that all 
are capable of seeing through every nicety, or of per- 
ceiving the full intent and aim of every part of this 
form, and what it alludes to. But, as many as are 
capable of being set wrong in any one branch (by the 
subtlety of seducers), are as capable of being kept 
right by this rule given them ; and they will as easily 
understand one side of the question as they will the 


other. The Christian Churches throughout the world, 
ever since the multiplication of heresies, have thought 
it necessary to guard their people by some such forms 
as these in standing use amongst them. The Oriental 
Churches, which receive not this Creed into their con- 
stant offices, yet more than supply the want of it, either 
by other the like Creeds', or by their solemn stated 
prayers in their liturgies, wherein they express their 
faith as fully and particularly (or more so ■) as this Creed 
does : and they are not so much afraid of puzzling and 
perplexing the vulgar by doing it, as they are of be- 
traying and exposing them to the attempts of seducers 
should they not do it. For which reason also they fre- 
quently direct their prayers to God the Son, as well as 
to God the Pather ; being in that case more solicitous 
than the Latin Churches have been, because they have 
been oftener disturbed by Arians and other impugners 
of Christ's divinity *. 

Upon the whole, I look upon it as exceeding useful, 
and even necessary, for every Church to have some 
such form as this, or something equivalent, open and 
common to all its members, that none may be led astray 
for want of proper caution and previous instruction in 
what so nearly concerns the whole structure and fabric 

' See the Creed of the Armenians in Bicaut, p. 411, &c. 

■ See Ludolphus Histor. jStkiop., lib. iii. c. 5 ; and Renaudot's 
Orient. Litv/rg., passim. 

* *' Nam cum omnes Orationes Latini Canonis, ex vetnstissima 
traditione, ad Deum Patrem dirigantur; in Oriente plures ad 
Filiimi : nempe, quia magis oonflictata est Arianorumi et aliorum 
qui ejus Divinitatem impugnabant, contentionibus OrientaUs, quam 
Occidentalis Ecclesia." — Benaudot, ad Litwrg, Copt, S, Basil., 
vol. j. p. 262. 


of the Christian Faith \ As to this particular form, it 
has so long prevailed, and has so well answered the 
use intended, that, all things considered, there can be 
no sufficient reason for changing any part of it, much 
less for laying the whole aside. There are several 
other Creeds, very good ones (though somewhat larger), 
which, had they been made choice of for common use, 
might possibly have done as well. The Creeds, I mean, 
(of which there is a great number) drawn up after 
the Council of Chalcedon, and purposely contrived to 
obviate all the heresies that ever had infested the 
Christian Church. But those that dislike this Creed 
would much more dislike the other, as being still more 
particular and explicit in regard to the Nestorian, 
Eutychian, and Monothelite heresies, and equally full 
and clear for the doctrine of the Trinity, 

To conclude : as long as there shall be any men left 
to oppose the doctrines which this Creed contains, so 
long will it be expedient, and even necessary, to con- 
tinue the use of it, in order to preserve the rest ; and, 
I suppose, when we have none remaining to find fault 
with the doctrines, there will be none to object against 
the use of the Creed, or so much as to wish to have it 
laid aside. 

n To this purpose speaks Johannes Pappus, in the name of the 
Lutheran Churches, commenting on the Augsburg (Confession : — 

'' Semper in Ecclesia Scriptorum quorundam publicorum usus 
fuit, quibus doctrinse Divinitus revelatse de certis capitibus summa 
comprehenderetur, et contra hsereticos, aliosque adversaries de- 
fenderetur. Talia scrip ta, licet perbrevia, sunt Symbola ilia totius 
Ecclesise, omnium hommum consensu recepta, Apostolicum, Nicse- 
num, Athanasianum." — Joan. Papp., Comm. in Confer. Av^uiU, 
fol. 2. 

I take this upon the credit of Nio. Serarius, who quotes the 
passage from Pappus. Serar.,m 8ymh, Athanas.yO^yia/Q. Theol., 
vol. ii. p. 9. 


Chapter III. 

A.D. 570. I intiinated above (p. 45) that Fortunatus's 
Comment upon the Athanasian Creed, though before 
published, might deserve a second publication, and be 
made much more correct than it appears in Murato- 
rius's second tome of Anecdota, 

I have made frequent use of it in the preceding 
sheets ; and now my design, in reprinting it, is to let 
the reader see what the Comment is which I so fre- 
quently refer to, that so he may judge for himself whe- 
ther it really be what I suppose, and I think with 
good reason, A Comment of the Sixth Century, and 
justly ascribed to Fortunatus. I have endeavoured to 
make it as correct as possible, by such helps as I could 
anywhere procure, which are as follow : — 

1. The printed copy of it, published by Muratorius, 
from a manuscript of the Ambrosian Library, about 600 
years old. 

2. A manuscript copy from Oxford, found among 
Franciscus Junius's MSS. (No. 25), which appears, by 
the character, to be about 800 years old. As it is older 
than Muratorius* s, so is it also more faithful; and 
though it has a great many faults, both in the ortho- 
graphy and syntax, owing either to the ignorance of 



the age or of the copyist, yet it does not appear to have 
been interpolated like the other, or to have been indus- 
triously altered in any part. 

3. Besides those two copies of the entire Comment, 
I have had some assistance from such parcels of it as 
are to be met with in writers that have borrowed from 
it. Bruno's Comment famishes us with some parts 
which he had taken into his own. But there is, among 
the supposititious works ascribed to St. Austin, a trea- 
tise intituled, Sermo de St/mholo% which has several 
scattered fragments of this very Comment in it. The 
whole treatise is a farrago, or collection from several 
other writers, as Rufinus, Csesarius, Pope Gregory I., 
and Ivo Camotensis. By the last mentioned, one may 
be assured that the collection is not older than the 
close of the eleventh century ; it may be later. It will 
be serviceable, however, so far as it goes, for restoring 
the true readings where our copies are corrupt, which is 
the use I make of it* 

Nothing now remains but to lay before the learned 
reader Fortunatus's. Comment in its native language, 
and therewith to close up our inquiries concerning the 
Athanasian Creed. 

The Various Lections, all that are properly such, are 
carefully noted at the bottom of the page, that so the 
reader may judge whether the text be what it should 
be, or correct it, if it appears otherwise. But I should 
hint, that there are several little variations in the 
Oxford manuscript, which I take no notice of, as not 
being properly Various Lections. 

1. Such as are merely orthographical: as a permu- 
• August., vol. vi. App., p. 278. 


tation of letters, using d for t, in captid and reliquid, for 
caput and reliquit ; e for t, in IVea for TVta ; and i for 
^, in calit for ^aZ^^, and the like : o for m in aervolia^ 
p ioT h m optenit for oltinet; v consonant for 3, in 
enarravit for enarrahtf, though such as this last is 
might be noted among Yarious Lections in cases more 

To this head may be referred some antique and now 
obsolete spellings : tnmemtts |6r immmms^ inmortalia for 
tmrnortalts, tnhsua for iUasttSj conloca/vit for eollocavit, 
dtnoscitur for digrwBeitvr^ and the like. 

2. Active terminations of verbs for passive: ssfinire 
for finiri^ cogitwre for eogita/ri ; though these may be 
referred to the former head, being only changing the 
letter i for the letter e. Dominat for domtnattir I take 
notice of among the Various Lections. 

3. Faults in the formation of verbs : as dbstuleret for 
tolleret, vwendos for vwenfes: to which may be added 
morsit for momordit, having been long out of use. 

4. Manifest faults in concord : as humam camia for 
hummuB^ eodem captivitate for mdem, £ut where there 
can be any doubt of the construction, I mark such 
among the Various Lections, leaving the reader to judge 
of them. 

These and other the like niceties are generally neg- 
lected in editions of authors, it being both needless and 
endless to note them. But I was willing to hint some- 
thing of them in this place, because they may be of use 
to scholars for the making a judgment of the value of 
a manuscript ; and sometimes of the time or place ; as 
also of the manner how a copy was taken, whether by 
the ear or by the eye, from word of mouth, or merely 


from a writing laid before the copyist. Besides that, if 
we can distinguish in the present case, as perhaps a good 
critic may, the particularities of the author from those 
of his transcribers, they may possibly afford some addi- 
tional argument for the ascertaining the author of the 


HcKiTTA anno circiter 570. Quicunqtie vult salnu esse\ 
anU omnia opus est id teneat CathoUeam Fidem : Quam 
nUi qui$que iniegram^ inviolatamque serraverit^ absque 
dubio in atemum peribit <". 

Fides dicitnr credolitas, sive credential. [Primo 
ergo omnium Fides necessaria est, sicat Apostolicu 
docet anctoritas dicens; sine Fide impossihUe est pla- 
cere Deo, Constat enim neminem ad yeram perveniie 
posse beatitndincm, nisi Deo placeat ; et Deo neminem 
pla<;<;re posse, nisi per Fidem* Fides namqne est bono- 
rum omnium fundamcntum, Fides humans salutis ini- 
tiuni. Sine hac nemo ad filiorum Dei potest consortium 
pervcjnire ; quia sine ipsa nee in hoc seculo quisquam 
justiflcationis consequitur gratiam, nee in future vitam 
possidebit ojtcmam. £t si quis heic non ambulaverit 
per Adorn, non perveniet ad speciem beatam Domini 
nostri Josu Christi*]. Catholica universalis dicitur, id 

• ]ta so habot titului in Codice Muratorii. Alitor in Oxoniensi, 
viz. Expotiiio in Fide Catholica: pro in Fidem Catholicam, ex 
onrruntA lonuondi ratione apud Boriptoros etatis mediae. 
^ luMo MUVU8. Cod. Murat. 

' PoMterior hiuo Symbol! Clausula, inoipiens a Quam nisi, non 
habetur in Ood. Oxonlensi. 
^ Ita Cod. Oxou. Prima hmo perioope deest in Murator. Conf. 
. in 8pnb, 
ID unolnulis inoluduntur, non oomparent in MS. Oxoniensi. 
;m Fortunati vidontur esso, sod Alcuini potius ; apud quern 

id, Trin.f lib. i. o. 2, p. 11 

« fere verbatim leguntur (Z>< Fid, Trin., lib. i. o. 2. p. 1267. 
). AlouinuB voro maximam partem mutuatua est a Folgentio, 

AFPENsnc. 253 

est, recta, quam Ecclesia universa ' tenere debet. Ec- 
clesiav congregatio dicitur Christianorum, sive conven- 
tus populomm. [Non enim, sicut conventicula hsBre- 
ticorum, in aliquibus regionum partibus coarctatur, sed 
per totum terrarum orbem dilatata diffunditur \'] 

Ut unum Deum in Trinitatej et TVinitatem in unitate 
veneremur. Et credamus, et colamus, et confiteamur. 
[Trinitatem in Personis, unitatem in substantia. Hanc 
quoque Trinitatem Personarum, atque unitatem naturae 
Propheta Esaias revelatam sibi non tacuit, cum se dicit 
Seraphim yidisse clamantia, Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, 
Dominus Deus Sabaoth. TJbi prorsus in eo quod dici- 
tur tertio Sanctus, Personarum Trinitatem ; in eo vero 
quod semel dicimus Dominus Deus Sabaotb, divinaB 
naturae cognoscimus unitatem ^] 

Neque confundentes personaa, TJt Sabellius errat, qui 
ipsum dicit esse Patrem in Persona quem et Filium, ipsum 
et Spiritum Sanctum. Non ergo confundentes Personas, 

{De Fid. ad Petrum, Prolog., p. 600). Sed varia exemplaria varie 
seDtentiam claudunt. Fulgentius legit, Non perveniet ad speciem ; 
nee quicquam ultra. Alcuinns, Non perveniet ad speciem beatSB 
visionis I)omini nostri Jesu Christi. Ab utrisque abit Lectio 

' Universa Ecclesia. Cod. Mur. et Brunonis. 

g God. Muratorii babet quippe, post Ecclesia: quam voculam, 
utpote ineptam, saltern otiosam, expunzimus, Fide Cod. Oxoniensis. 
Conf. Brunon. in hoc loco. 

i* Uncis hie inolusa non babentur in Codioe Oxoniensi. Verba 
uimirum sunt, non Fortunati, sed Isidori Hispal. Orig., lib. viii. 
c. 1, p. 64. Alio proinde cbaractere imprimenda ouravimus. 

' Quas uncis comprehensa bic legere est, non comparent in Codice 
Oxoniensi. Verba sunt Alcuini {& Trin^, lib. i. c. 3, p. 1259 [709], 
in quo eadem plane, similique ordine inyenias. Sunt porro eadem, 
uno vocabulo dempto, apud Fulgentium {de Fid. ad Fetrum, c. i. 
§ 5, p. 503), ordine etiam tantum non eodem. Verba autem ilia 
introductoria (viz. Trinitatem in Personis, unitatem in substantia) ; 
non leguntur in Fulgentio, nee quidem in Alcuino. Interpolator 
ipse, uti videtur, ex proprio ilia penu deprompta prsemisit cseteris, 
connexionis forte aliqualis conservandse gratia. 

254 APP£in)ix. 

quia tres omnino PersonaB sunt^. Est enim gignens, 
genittis, et^ procedens. Gignens est Pater, qui genuit 
Filium; Filius est genitus, quem genuit Pater; Spiritus 
Sanctus est procedens, quia a Patre et Filio procedit. 
Pater et Filius cosetemi sibi sunt et cosequales ; et co- 
operatores, sicut scriptum est; verbo Domini Cseli fir- 
mati™ sunt, id est, a Filio Dei creati, Spiritu" oris 
ejus, omnis virtus eorum. TJbi sub singulari numero, 
Spiritus ° ejus, dicit p, [unitatem substantise Deitatis os- 
tendit ; ubi sub plurali numero, omnis virtus eorum 
dicit *!], Trinitatem Persouarum aperte demonstrat, quia 
tres unum sunt, et unum tres. 

Neqm stibstantiam separantes, lit Arius garrit, qui 
sicut tres personas esse dicit, sic et tres substantias esse 
mentitur'. Filium dicit minorem quam Patrem, et 
creaturam esse ; Spiritum Sanctum adhuc minorem 
quam Filium, et Patri et Filio eum esse adminis- 
tratorem' adserit. iN'on ergo substantiam separantes, 
quia totse tres Personse in substantia Deitatis^ unum 

>< Tres PersonsB omnino sunt. Murat. 

1 Deest * et' in Cod. Oxon. 

■" Formati Cod. Oxon. Vid. Symb. Damasi dictum (apad Hie- 
ronym., vol. v. p. 122) undo hsec 'Noster,' mutatis mutandis de- 
sumpsisse videtur. 

" Spiritus. Cod. Oxon. 

** Leg. * Spiritu/ uterque vero codex habet ' Spiritus.' 

p Dicitur. Cod. Murat. 

1 Lacunam in Muratorio manifestam (quippe cum desint eaverfoa 
uncis inclusa) ex Codice Oxoniensi supplevimus. Scilicet, vox ' dioit ' 
proximo recurrens librarii oculos (uti fit) fefellit. 

r Ita dare, Cod. Oxon. Alitor Muratorius ex vitioso Codioe; 
Quia tres Personas esse dicit, si et tres substantias esse mentitor. 
Sensiis impeditus, aut nullus. t 

* Et Patris et Filii eum administratorem esse adserit. Cod. 
Murat. Conf. Brunon. 

t Divinitatis. Cod. Oxon. 


Alia est enim Persona Patris. Quia Pater ingenitus 
est, eo quod a nullo est genitus. Alia Persona Pilii, 
quia Pilius a Patre solo est"" genitus. Alia Spiritus 
Sancti, quia a Patre et Filio Spiritus Sanctus^ proce- 
dens est. 

Sed Patris et Filii et SpirttiM Sancti una est Divini- 
tas. Id est, Deltas. ^quaHs gloria : id est, claritas. 
Cosetema majestas: majestas gloria est, claritas, sive 
potestas *. 

Qualis PateTy talis FiliuSj talis et Spiritus Sanctus, 
Id est, in Deitate, et Omnipotentia. 

Inereatus Pater y increatus Filius, increatus et Spiritus 
Sanctus, Id est, a nullo creatus^ 

Immensus Pater j immensus Filius, immensus et Spirit 
tus Sanctus, Non est mensurabilis in sua natura, quia 
inlocalis est% incircumscriptus, ubique totus, ubique 
praesens, ubique potens. 

.JStemus Pater, atemus Filius^ atemus et Spiritus 
Sanctus, Id est, non tres eetemi, sed in tribus Personis 
unus Dens eetemus, qui sine initio, et sine £uie setemus 

Similiter omnipotens Pater, omnipotens Filius, omni- 
potens et Spiritus Sanctus. Omnipotens dicitur, eo 
quod omnia potest, et omnium obtinet potestatem*. 

« A Patre est solo. Cod. Oxon. 

▼ Desunt 'Spiritus Sanotus* in Cod. Murat. quae tamen retinui- 
nius, turn fide Cod. Oxoniensis, turn quia in antecedentibus ' Pater,' 
et * Filius' bis ponuntur, sicut et hie ' Sp. Sanctus.' 

> Cod. Oxomensis legit *claritatis, sive potestas.' 

T Cod. Oxoniensis legit ' creati.' 

* Muratorii exemplu' insertum habet 'et/ quod ddendum esse 
censui, cum absit a Codice Oxon. et otiosum videatur. 

• Fortimatus, in sua ExposiU Symh. ApoHolici, haeo habet : Om- 
nipotens vero dioitur, eo quod omnia possit, et omnium obtinet 


Ergo, si omnia potest, quid est quod non potest ? Hoc 
non potest, quod Omnipotenti non competit posse*. 
Falli non potest [quia Veritas est; infirmari non po- 
test], quia sanitas est*' ; mori non potest, quia immor- 
talis vita est ; finiri non potest, quia infinitus et peren- 
nis est. 

Ita^ Dem Pater, Dem FiliiLSy Dem et Sptrittis Sane- 
ttts. [Deus nomen est potestatis, non proprietatis *.] 
Proprium nomen est Patris Pater ; et proprium nomen 
est « Filii Pilius ; et proprium nomen est Spiritus Sancti 
Spiritus Sanctus. 

Ita, Bominus Pater, Dommtis FiUtts, Dommtis et Spt- 
rituB Sanctus. Dominus dicitur, eo quod omnia domi- 
nat, et omnium est dominus dominator ^ 

Quia aicut singillatim (id est, sicut distinctim 8^) 

' potentatum.* ed. Basil. ' obtmeat potestatem.' ed. Lugd. Prseluse- 
rat Ruffinus, in Symbolum, 

^ S. Bruno, hunc opinor locum prs oculis bab^ns^ bis verbis 
utitur : Ergo, si omnia potest, quid est c[uod non potest ? Hoc non 
potest, quod non convenit omnipotenti possa — Brun., in Symb. 
Atkanau., p. 346. 

c Muratorius sententiam mancam, vitiatamque exbibet : Falli non 
potest, quia Sanctus est ; omissis iutermediis. Scilicet, vocabuluxn 
proximo repetitum describeutis oculum delusit : et ne nullus inde 
eliceretur sensus, pro Sanitas siibstitutum est Sanctus. Hsec porro 
sibimet adoptavit S. Bruno, pauculis mutatis, vel inteijectis, ad 
bunc modum : Falli non potest, quia Veritas et sapientia est ; segro- 
tari aut infirmari non potest, quia Sanitas est ; mori non potest, 
quia immortalis est ; finiri non potest, quia infinitus et peren- 

^ Deest bsec clausula in Codice Murator. ; sed confer Symbolum 
Damasi dictim), quod Gregorii Bcetici creditur, apud August., 
voL V. App., p. 387. Item apud Hieronym., vol. v. p. 1,22. 

• Deest est. Murator. Conf. Brun. 

' Dominat, pro Dominatur, et cum accusative, ex vitiata infe- 
rioris sevi Latinitate, vel ex scribse imperitia. Alitor codex Mura- 
torii, ex Isidori Orig. (lib. vii. c. 1, p. 53). Dominus dicitur, eo 
quod dominetur creatune cimetse, vel quod creatura omnis Domi- 
natui ejus deserviat. 

ff Distinctum. Oxon. Distincte. Murat. 


unamquatnqtM Personam et Deum ^ et Dominum confiteri 
Chriatia/na verttate compelUmur, Quia si me interro- 
gaveris quid sit* Pater, ego respondebo; Deus, et Do- 
minus. Similiter, si me interrogaveris ^ quid sit^ 
Filius, ego dicam; Deus, et Dominus. Et si dicis", 
quid est Spiritus Sanctus? Ego dico**; Deus, et 
Dominus. Et iu his tribus Personis, non tres Deos, 
nee tres Dominos, sed in° his tribus, sicut jam su- 
pra dictum estP, unum Deum, et unum Dominum 

Unu8 ergo Pater ^ non tres Patres, Id est, quia ^ Pater 
semper Pater, nee aliquando Filius. TJnus Filius, non 
tres Pilii: id est, quia Filius semper Filius, nee ali- 
quando Pater. TJnus Spiritus Sanctus, non tres Spiritus 
Sancti : id est, quia Spiritus Sanctus semper est ' Spiri- 
tus Sanctus, nee aliquando Filius, aut Pater. Haec est 
proprietas Personarum. 

Et in hoc Trinitate nihil prius, aut posterity. Quia 
sicut nunquam Filius sine Patre, sic nunquam fuit Pater 
sine Filio, sic et nunquam fuit Pater et Filius sine Spi- 

^ Deest ' et.' God. Murator. 

* Quid est. Murator. Eandem sententiam expressit S. Bruno, his 
verbis ; Quia si me interrogaveris quid est Pater, ego respondeo ; 
Deus, et Dominus. 

k Et si me rogaveris. Cod. Oxon. 

^ Est. Murator. Locum sic exhibet S. Bruno ; Similiter, si inter- 
rogaveris quid est Filius, ego dico, Deus et Dominus. 

■■ Dicas. Murator. 

B Dicam. Miirator. Apud Brunonem sic legitur ; Et si dicis, 
quid est Spiritus Sanctus f Ego respondeo ; Deus, et Dominus. 

» Deest *in.' Oxon. 

p Supra dixi. Cod. Oxon. Sed Brunonis lectio Muratorii lectio- 
nem confirmat. 

4 Codex Oxon. pro 'quia* habet 'qui,' in hoc loco, et in duobus 
proximo sequentibus. Utrumlibet elegeris, eodem fere res redit. 

' In Cod. Oxon. deest 'est.* 



ittn Sascto *. CWteraa ergo Tiiuitas, ct insepanbilB 
uiutaE, anie initio et ane fine^. 

Sikil wtaj'us, mmt minms. ^SqusMtatem Penmamm 
dicit^ qiiia Trinitatis* aequalis est, et ima Deita8% Apo- 
stolo docente', et dioente: per ea, que fnctm sont^ 
intelLecta cooi^nciuiitiir ; et per Creatnram Creator in- 
telligitar, seeondom has oomparadonesy et alias qnain- 
plures* Sol, Candor, et Calor, et tria sont Tocabula, 
et tria imam J, Qaod candet, hoc calet, et qnod calet^ 
hoc candet : tria hsec Tocabula res una esse dignoaei- 
tor^ Ita* Pater et Filias et Spiritos Sanetos, ti«8 
Personae in Deitate, substantia ^ onum sont ; et indi- 
vidua nnitas recte creditor. Item de terrenisy Yena, 
Pons, FluTins, tna sunt^ vocabnla, et tria nnnm' 
in sua natuia. Ita tiium Pcrsonarum, Patris et 

" Paolo aliter baoooe locom expreasit anctor Sennonu^ inter 
Augustini opera (roL tL App., p. 281) : Quia scot ntinqnam pater 
sine Fillo, nee Filius ane ratre; oc et mmquam fcdt Pater, et 
FilitiB ane Spirita Saocto. Sed nihil mutandnm contra fidem 

*■ In Appendioe pnedicta, me legitnr : Co»tenia eigo est Saneta 
Trinitaa, Ac. 

« Sancta Trinitas. Append. 

' Una est Deitoa. Appcnid. Una Deitatia. Ozon. male. 

*■ In Cod. Oxoniensi, deaimt ilia ' docente eL* Sed Append. lec- 
tionem ftluratorii tuetur, alio tamen verbomm ordine; 'dioentey 
atque docente/ 

T Ita >luratorias cum Appendice pnedicta. Aliter MS. Oxon., 
Tiz., Tria sunt nomina, et res una ; quae eodem reddont. 

* In Appendice sic se habent ; Tna h»c vocabiya rea una oog^ 

• *Kt' post 'ita.' Oxon. 

^ Codices habent ' Substantia' (quod tamen in Appendioe pne- 
<iicta omittitur prorsus), et comma ioterponunt post * Peraonas.' 
Prava interpunctio corrigenda est, et levicula mutatione legendum 
' substantia :' quod et Fidit et monuit vir quidam amicisaimiis aimul 
ei perifpicacissunus, 
« Appendix legit ' b»c/ oon 'sunt' Oxon. *tria itemque sunt.' 
^ Oxoniensis, *res una.' Append, cum Muratorio, 'unum.' 


Filii et Spiritus Sancd, substantia et Deltas unum 

Est ergo Fides recta, ut credamtM et confiteamur, quia 
Dominus noster JesuB Christm '. Jesus Hebraice, Latine 
Salvator dicitur. [Christus Greece, Latine nnctus voca- 
tur. Jesus ergo dicitur «] eo quod salvat populum : 
Christus, eo quod Spiritu Sancto Divinitus sit ^ delibu- 
tus, sicut in ipsius Christi* Persona Esaias ait; Spiritus 
Domini super me, propter quod unxit me, &c. Ita et 
Psalmista de Christo Domino dicit^, Unxit te Deus, 
Deus tuus, oleo Isetitise prse consortibus tuis. 

Dei MUus, Deus pariter et homo est. Filius a feli- 
citate parentum dicitur: homo ab humo dicitur; id 
est, de humo ^ fact us est. 

Deus est "" ex substantia Patris ante saeula genitus. Id 
est, Deus de Deo, lumen de lumine, splendor de splen- 
dore, fortis de forti, virtus de virtute, vita de vita, 
aeternitas de setemitate : per omnia, idem ^ quod Pater 
in Divina substantia hoc est et® Filius. Deus enim^ 

' Ita Murat. et Append. Oxoniensis legit, Substantia^ Deitas 
una est. 

f Oxoniensis adjicit, Dei Filius et homo est. Inepte hoc loco, 
quod ex sequentibus patebit. 

ff Muratorii Codex omittit verba ilia intermedia, uncis indusa. 
Scilicet, illud 'dicitur' proximo repetitum amanuensi hie iterum 
firaudi fiiit. 

•» * Divinitus sit* desunt in Cod. Oxon. 

* Deest * Christi.' Murator. 

^ Oxoniensis breviter, Item in Psalmo, unxit, &o. Notandum 
porro, quod qusedam habet Fortunatus noster, in commentario suo 
in Symbol. Apostol. hisce jam proxime descriptis perquam similia. 
Confer etiam Buffin. in Symbol. , c. 6, inter Oper. Hieronym., 
vol. V. p. 131 ; et in Heurtl. de Fide, &c., p. 110. 

* De humo terrsB. Murator. 
'° Non habetur * est' in Murat. 
•> Pro * idem,* * id est,* Murator. 

o Deest 'et* Cod. Oxon. His quoque gemina fere habes in Ez- 
poiit. in Syrnbol, Apoatolicum, 
p Deest * enim ' Cod. Oxon ; confer Symb. Damasi dictum. 


Pater Deum Filium gerniit, non voluntate, neque ne- 
cessitate, sed natura. Nee quseratur quomodo genuit 
Filium % quod et angeli nesciunt, prophetis est incog- 
nitum: unde' eximius Propheta Esaias dicit; genera- 
tionem ejus quis enarrabit ? Ac si diceret ", angelorum 
nullus, prophetarum nemo *. Nee inenarrabilis, et in- 
aBstimabilis Deus ^ a servulis suis discutiendus est, sed 
fideliter credendus ^, et pariter diligendus. 

^ homo ^ ex substantia matris, in saculo natiis. Dei 
Filius, Verbum PatrisX, caro factum. Non* quod 
Divinitas mutasset Deitatem, sed adsumpsit humanita- 
tem. Hoc est, Verbum caro factum est, ex utero Vir- 
ginia veram humanam camem traxit. Et de utero 
Virginali verus homo, sicut et verus Deus, est in 
sseculo natus, salva virginitatis gratia*; quia mater, 
quae genuit, Virgo ante partum, et Virgo post partem 
permansit ^. 

In sactdo. Id est, in isto sexto miliario, in quo nunc 
sumus [sfiBcula enim generationibus constant, et inde 
ssecula, quod se sequantur ; abeuntibus enim aliis, alia 

4 Quomodo genitus sit, quod Aogeli .... Ozon. At Muratorii 
lectioni astipimtur Appendix ad Augustin., voL vi. p. 279 ; et For- 
tunatus ipse, Expos, in Sywh. Apottol. , p. 1151. 

' Uude et isdem. Cod. Murat. coiif . Fortunat. in 8ymb. Apo- 

* Muratorius habet * dixisset.' 

* Angelorum nemo, Prophetarum nullus. Cod. Oxon. 
" Deest * Deus.' Oxon. 

▼ Confer Fortunat. in Symh. Apostol. et Append., apud August., 
p. 279, et Ruffin. Symb. 

*■ Homo est. Cod. Oxon. 

r Dei Filius, Verbum caro: Murat. Dei Filius Verbo Patris 
caro: Cod. Oxon. Ex utrisque veram, opinor, lectionem resti- 

« Et non. Cod. Murator. Expunximus illud 'et,* fideCodicisOxoD. 

* ' Salva virginitatis gratia desunt in Cod. OxoniensL 

t> Ita Cod. Oxon. Muratorius^ Quia mater genuit, et yirgo xnausit 
ante partum, et post partum. 


succedunt*']. " Deus et homo Christus Jesus, unus 
Dei Filius et ipse Virginis Filius. Quia dum Deitas in 
utero Virginis humanitatem adsumpsit, et cum ea per 
portam Virginis integram, et illaasam, nascendo mun- 
dum ingressus est Virginis Filius; et hominem (leg. 
homo) quem adsumsit, id (leg. idem) est Dei Filium 
(leg. Filius) sicut jam supra diximus ; et Deitas et hu- 
manitas in Christo; et Dei Patris pariter et Virginis 
Matris Filius.*' 

Perfectm Bern, perfectus homo. Id est, verus Deus, 
et verus homo ^, Ex anima rationali : et non ut Apol- 
linaris'^ hsereticus dixit primum, quasi Deitas pro anima 
fuisset in came Christi; postea, cum per evangelicam 
auctoritatem fuisset ' convictus, dixit : Habuit quidem 
animam quae vivificavit corpus, sed non rationalem. 
E contrario «, dicit qui Catholice sentit ; Ex anima ra- 
tionali et humana came subsistens ^ : id est, plenus 
homo, atque perfectus. 

• Non comparent in CJodice Oxouiensi. Verba sunt. Isidor. 
Orig., lib. V, c. 38, p. 42. Quae sequuntur proxime, Deus et homo, 
&o., usque ad Matris Filius, desunt omnia in Codice Muratorii: 
ex Oxoniensi solo descripta dedimus. Videntur mihi Fortunati re 
vera esse, sed Librahi culpa (ut alia multa) mirum in modum vi- 
tiata; quse quidem ex conjectura aliquatenus corrigere volui, ut 
SuJitaxis saltem sibi constet, donee certiora, et meliora ex Codi- 
ciDus (si forte supersint aliqui) eruantur. Cseterum, ut Fortunate 
Dostro hadd ascribam, illud suadet maxime, quod in expositione 
sua in Symholum Apostolicum gemina fere habet de porta Virginis, 
eisdemque ibi nonnullis phrasibus utitur quibus Lie usus est. 
Confer Symholum Ruffini, a quo solenne est nostro (quippe qui et 
ipse Aquileise olim Doctrina Christiana initiatus fiierat) turn verba, 
turn sententias mutuari. 

'^ Deest haec clausula in Cod. Oxon. ob vooabulum repetitum. 

• Paulinaris, Cod. Oxon. Lectio nata ex sermone simplici et 

' Fuit, Cod. Oxon. 

ff Et e contrario iste dicit: Murat. Delevimus ilia 'et,' atque 
' iste,' quse sententiam turbant, fide Codicis Oxoniensis. 
^ Subsistit, Cod. Oxon. 


^qualu Patri secundum Bivinitatem ; minor Patre 
secundum Humanitatem, Id est, secundum formam eervi 
quam adsumere dignatus est. 

Qui licet ^ Deus sit et homo, non duo tamen, sed unus 
est Ckristus. Id est, duse substantise in Christo, Deltas 
et humanitas, non duae personee, sed una est persona ^. 

Unus autem, non conversione Divinitatis in carnem^, 
sed adsumptione humanitatis in Deum ^ Id est : non 
quod Divinitas, quae incommutabilis est, sit conversa in 
camem "*, sed ideo unus, eo quod humanitatem adsump- 
sit, coepit" esse quod non° erat, et non amisit quod erat ; 
ccepit esse homo^ quod antea non fuerat, non amisit 
Deitatem quae incommutabilis in setemum permanet % 

U91US omnino, non confusione substantia, sed unitate 
Persona. Id est; Divinitas incommutabilis' cum ho- 
mine, quem adsumere dignata' est, sicut scrip tum est; 
Verbum tuum, Domine, in setemum permanet. Id est, 
Divinitas cum humanitate ; ut diximus duas substan- 
tias unam Personam * esse in Christo ; ut sicut ante ad- 

* * Certe,* looo rov 'licet.' Cod. Oxon. 
^ * Est Persona ' desunt in Cod. Oxon. 

* Cod. Oxoniensis habet, ' Came,' et * Deo :' errore, uti credo, per- 
vetusto, multisque et antiquissimis exemplaribus communi. Quod 
si Verbis in Commentario immediate sequentibus (ex Muratorii 
lectione) steterimus, Fortunatus ipse nobis auctor erit, ut et Deum, 
et camem, pro genuina lectione habeamus. 

^ QusB immutabilis et inconvertibilis est, Caro ; sed, &g. Cod. 

'• Incipit. Cod. Oxon. 

o Deest * non ' Cod. Murat. male. 

p Deest *homo' in Cod. Oxon. perperam, item, 'incipit,* pro 
* ccepit. * 

4 Muratorius legit, Quia incommutabilis in setemum permanet : 
Cod. Oxoniensis, Quse immutabilis in aeternum permansit. Ex 
utrisque tertiam lectionem confecimus ; qu», opinor, cseteris et 
\enustior est, et aptior. 
' Inomutabilis. Cod. Oxon. * "dgcA\M&. God. Oxon, 

* * Personaiu' perperam oia\\i\i\* Co^. 0-ift\i\wisv&, 


sumptionem [camis^ setema fiiit Trinitas, ita post ad- 
samptionem ""] liumanae natarse, vera maneat Trinitas ; 
ne propter adsumptionem humanse carnis dicatur esse 
quatemitas, quod absit a fidelium cordibus, yel sen- 
sibus, dici, ant cogitari, cum, ita^ ut supradictum est 
et TJnitas in Trinitate, et Trinitas in TJnitate vene- 
randa sit. 

Nam stout anima rationalisy et ca/ro unus est homo ; 
ita BeuBf et Somo untcs est Christus, Etsi Deus "^^ Dei 
Filius, nostram luteam et mortalem camem, nostrse re- 
demptionis conditionem ^ adsumpserit, se tamen nuUa- 
tenus* inquinavit, neque naturam Deitatis mutavit. 
Quia si sol, aut ignis aliquid immundum tetigerit, quod 
tangit purgat, et se nullatenus coinquinat : ita Doitas 
Sarcinam quoque* nostras humanitatis adsumpsit, se ne- 
quaquam coinquinavit, sed nostram naturam carnis^, 

« Desunt in Codice Oxoniensi: pnetermissa scilieet festinaiitis 
Librarii incuria, ob vocem iteratam. 

▼ Pro * cum ita/ babet Cod, Oxon. < nisi ita. ' 

» Murator. Cod. omittit * Deus.* 

7 Cod. Oxonienns, Nostri Redemptionis conditionis adsumpsit. 
Nescio an melius Muratorius ; Nostram luteam, et mortalem car- 
nem nostne conditionis adsumpserit. Sed levi mutatione, recte in- 
cedunt omnia. Conditio, apud Scriptores quinti et sexti s»culi, est 
servUe onus, opusve. 

« Cod. Oxon. legit ' Se nullatenus.' Murator. : Sed tamen se nul- 
latenus. Noster vero in JSxpotit in Symb, ApostoL in simili causa, 
bac utitur pbrasi, se tamen non inquinat. 

* Oxoniensis babet, Deltas sarcinamque nostrsB bumanitatis ad- 
smnpsit, se nequaquam, &o. Muratorius boc modo ; Deltas sarci- 
nam, quam ex nostra buoianitate adsumpsit, nequaquam coinqui- 
navit. Lectio friglda prorsus, et inepta. Juvat nuc conferre quae 
Fortunatus noster ad Symb. Apost. in eandem sententiam breviter 
dictarit, p. 1152. 

*^ Quod vero Deus majestatis de Maria in came natus est, non est 
sordidatus nascendo de Virgine, qui non :l^it poUutus bominem con- 
dens de pulvere. Denique sol, aut ignis, si lutum inspiciat, quod 
tetigerit purgat, et se tamen non inquinat." Conf. Buffin. Symb.^ 
(p. 133), c. 9, p. 113. 

t> NostrsB naturae camem. 'M.urat, 


quam adsumpsit, purgavit, et a macnlis, et sordibus 
peccatorum, ac vitiorum expiayit : sicut Esaias ait ; ipse 
infirmitates nostras accepit, et tegrotatioiies portayit. 
Ad hoc secundum Immanitatem natus est, ut infirmi- 
tates nostras acciperet, et eegrotationes portaret : non 
quod ipse infirmitates, vel segrotationes in se haberet, 
quia salus mundi est ; sed ut eas a nobis tolleret, dnm 
suae sacraB passionis gratia, et sacramento *, chirogra- 
pho adempto, redemptionem pariter et salutem anima- 
rum nobis condonaret. 

Qui passuB est pro salute nostra. Id est, secundum id 
quod pati potuit : quod est, secundum humanam natu- 
ram; nam secundum divinitatem, Dei Filius impassi- 
bilis est. 

Descendit ad inferos^. TJt* protoplastum Adam', et 
patriarchas, et prophetas, et omnes justos, qui pro 
originali peccato ibidem detinebantur, liberaret ; et de ^ 
vinculis ipsius ^ peccati absolutes, de eadem captivitate, 
et ^ infemali ^ loco, suo sanguine redemptos, ad super- 
nam patriam, et ad perpetuse vitsB gaudia revocaret. 
Eeliqui^, qui supra originale peccatum"* principalia cri- 
minal commiserunt, ut adserit Scriptura, in poBnali 

c Muratorius le^t ; Dum sax sacraB passionis gratiam^ et sacra* 
menta : nuUo sensu. Oxoniensis, Dum susq a acne passionis gratiae 
(pro gratia) ac sacramento. 

^ Ad infema. Cod. Oxon. Q. annon vetustissima hsBC fuerit 
lectio in Symholo Atkanasiano, sicut in Apoitolico t 

e 'Qui,' loco rod * ut.' Cod. Oxon. At Sermo de Symbolo, in 
Append, ad August (vol. vi. p. 281), legit, cum Muratorio, *ut.* 

' Adam Protoplastum. Append. 
'^ I? Et ut de. Append, ^ ' Ipsius * deest. Append. 

* Deest *et,' Cod. Oxon. ^ Infemi. Append. 

^ Muratorius habet ' vero,' post 'reliquL* Oxon. non agnosoit, 
nee Append. 

^^ Ita legitur in Appendice. Oxoniensis, supra originale peccato : 
Muratorius, supra originali peccato. 

B Principalem culpam. Append. 


Tartaro remanserimt : sicut in persona Ghristi dictum 
est per prophetam; Ero mors tua, Mors; id est, 
morte sua Ghristus humani generis inimicam mortem 
interfecit, et vitam dedit. Ero morsus tuus, infeme. 
Partim ^ momordit infemum, pro parte eoram quos libe- 
ravit : partem reliquit, pro parte eorum qui pro princi- 
palibus criminibus in tormentis remanserunt. 

Su/rrexit a mortuia primogenitus mortuorum. Et alibi 
Apostolus dicit ; ipse primogenitus ex multis fratribus. 
Id est, primus a mortuis resurrexit. Et multa corpora ^ 
sanctorum dormientium cum eo surrexerunt, sicut 
evangelica auctoritas'» dicit: sed ipse, qui caput est, 
prius, deinde qui ' membra sunt continuo. 

Postea aacendit ad ccbIob. Sicut Psalmista ait; as- 
cendit ■ in altum, captivam duxit captivitatem, id est, 
humanam naturam, quae prius sub peccato venundata 
fuit, et captivata ; eamque redemptam captivam * duxit 
in caBlestem altitudinem : et ad cselestis PatrisB ' Reg- 
num sempitemum, ubi antea non fuerat, eam ^ colloca- 
vit, in gloriam sempitemam. 

Sedet ad dexteram Fatris, Id est, prosperitatem pa- 
ternam, et in'' eo honore, quod^ Deus est. 

<» Muratorius, et Oxoniensis, in utroque loco, ' Partem :' Appen- 
dix, in utroque, * Partim.' Media mihi lectio maxime arridet. 

P Deest * corpora * in Cod. Oxon. 

4 In cTangelica autoritate. Cod. Oxon. 

' Qu£e membra. Cod. Oxon. 

' Ascendens. Murator. 

' Conf. Traciatum Anonymi de Essentia Divinitatis, apud Hie- 
ronym., vol. v. p. 120 ; et apud Augustin., vol. viii. App., p. 69 ; et 
Isid. Hisp. de Resurr. Dom., c. 56, p. 577 (p. 660), ed. Paris. 

« Cselestem Patriam. Cod. Oxon. 

» 'Et' pro *eara.' Murator. 

« * In ' deest. Cod. Oxon. 

T Mallem ' quo/ si per Codices liceret ; sed et ' quod,* adverbi- 
aliter hie positum pro ' quia,' sensum non. itieorascaa^sasi. ^^tsfo ^s^^ 
ferre videtur. 


Inde ventwrus " judicare vivos et mortuos. Vivos dicit 
eo8 quos tunc adventus Dominicus in corpore viventes 
invenerit [et mortuos, jam ante sepultos. Et aliter 
dicit'] ; vivos justos, et mortuos peccatores*. 

Ad cujus ad/ventum omnes homines resurgere habent 
eum corporihus suis ; et reddituri sunt de factis propriis 
rationem : et qui bona egerunt, Hunt in vitam ater- 
nam ; qui vero mahy in ignem (Bternum. S<Be est Fides 
Catholica, quam nisi quisque fideliter, firmiterque eredi- 
deritf sakus esse non poterit. 

' Veoturus est. Murator. 

* Quantum hie uncis includitur, omittit Codex Oxoniensis. De- 
lusus est forsitan librarius per binas literulas 'it' bis positas : vel, 
simili errors deoeptus, integram lineam prseterierit, dum in proxime 
sequentem oculos conjecerat. 

^ Oper» pretium est pauca hie subjicere, qusB noster habet in 
expositione sua iu S^mb. ApostoHcum, '*judieaturus vivos, et mor- 
tuos. Aliqui dieunt vivos, justos ; mortuos vero injustos : aut 
certe, vivos, quos in corpore invenerit adventus Dominieus, et mor- 
tuos, jam sepultos. Nos tamen intelligamus vivos et mortuos, hoc 
estammaset corpora pariterjudicanda." — Conf. Ruffin. Symb; c.83, 
p. 135 (p. 140) ; Method, apud PhoU Codic. 234, p. 932 ; Isid. 
Pelus., JSpist, 222, lib. i. p. 64; Pseud. Ambros. de Trin,, o. 15, 
vol. ii. App., p. 331. 


N,B, The titles of vsorJcs that are referred to hy WaterUmd, hwt 
have not had the references verified for this edition, are printed 
in italics. In all cases where the edition referred to is differ- 
ent from that used hy Waterland himself the original refer- 
ence has been retained within brackets in the notes. 

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nologisB. 8vo. Herbip. Nass., 1624. 
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268 HTDzx 07 authoss ajtd TDmofss, 

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Begino Prumensis (9th and 10th centuries). De Ecclesiasticis 

Disciplinis et Beligione Christiana. 8vo., Paris, 1671. 
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Renaudot, Eusebius (18th century). Liturgiarum Orientalium 

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vol. vi., p. 415. 
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corum Opuscula. 2 vols., 8vo. Oxon., 1840. 

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Theodalphns Anrelianensis (9th century). De Spiritn Sancto; 

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Vossms, Gerard John (17th century). Opera. 6 voIb,, fol. 
Amstelod., 1701. 

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4 vols., 8yo. Oxford, 1844. 
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of the Athanasian Creed. 4to. Lond., 1691. 
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Jacobi Usseri. 4to. Lond., 1689 ; at the end of Usher's His- 

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Lond., 1708. 

Zialowski : see Gnndling. 



I AiiBROBiAN I., Athanasian Creed, pp. 72, 120, 176, &o., 215. 

I Ambrosian II., Anonymous Comments on the Creed, 64. 

I Ambrosian III., Fortimatus' Comment, 15, 43, 249 — ^266. 

" Baiffius, Greek Copy of the Creed, 102, 106. 

Balliol, Oxon., Bruno's Comment, 51. 
Basil, Bruno's and Hampole's Comment, 54. 
Bennet, Camb. (N. X.), Athanasian Creed, 76, 178, 184. 
Bennet (I. l),Wickliff's Comment, 61. 
Bennet (K. 10), Athanasian Creed, 79. 
Bennet (N. 0. V.), Athanasian Creed, 77, 86. 
Bennet (N. 16), Gregory's Psalter, 67. 
Bodleian (E. 6, 11), Neckham's Comment, 53. 
Bodleian (E. 7, 8), Neckham's Comment, 53. 
Bodleian (Jimius 25), Fortunatus' Comment, 45, 248-^266. 
Bodleian (Laud, E. 71), Bruno's Comment, 50. 
Bodleian (Laud, H. 61), Bruno's Comment, 50. 
Bodleian (1205), Athanasian Oeed, 81. 
Bryling, Greek Copy of the Creed, 102, 215. 

C.C.C.C, see Bennet. 

Cambridge, Athanasian Creed. 79, 123. 

Cassinensis, Athanasian Creea, 80. 
|:j ' Colbert I., Athanasian Creed, 71, 74, 148, 184—190. 

|{,> Colbert IL, Athanasian Creed, 77. 

''■^ Constantinopolitan, Greek copy of the Creed, 102, 106. 

Cotton I., Athanasian Creed in Athelstan's Psalter, 70, 73. 86. 
109. » » » 

.iij : CJotton II., (Vitell., E. 18), Athanasian Creed, 78. 

Cotton III., (VespasiaD, A.), Athanasian Creed, 60, 70, 79. 
Cotton IV., (Nero, C. 4), GaUican Version, 94. 

Dionysian, see Baiffius. 

Emanuel, Camb., WicklifTs Bible, 58. 

Felckman's Greek copy of the Creed, 101. 

Friars Minors, Latino-Grallican Creed, quoted by Mont&ucon, 80 

Grermain de Prez, Bruno's Comment, 51, 52. 
Germains', St., Athanasian Creed, 75, 177, &c. 
Gotha, Bruno's with Hampole's Comment, 54. 

AN UTOEX OP MAiniscBiPTS. 279 

Harleian I., Athanasian Greedy 78, 86. 
Harleian II., Athanasian Creed, 80. 
Harleian III., Bruno's Comment, 51. 
Harleian IV., Triple Psalter, 89. 
Hilarian, Athanasian Creed, 82. 

James', St., I., Hampole's Comment, 61. 
James', St., II., Athanasian Creed, 77, 94, 124. 
James', St., III., Athanasian Creed, 80. 
John's, St., Camb., I., Triple Psalter, 80, 89. 
John's, St., Camb., II., WickliflTs Comment, 57. 
John's, St., Oxon., Bruno's Comment, 50. 

Lambeth, Athanasian Creed, 78, 86, 94. 
Leipsic, Bnmo's with Hampole's Comment, 54. 

Magd., Camb., I., Wickliff's New Testament, 59. 
Magd., Camb., II., Athanasian Creed, 96. 
Magd., Oxon., Hampole's Comment, 55. 
Merton, Oxon., Bruno's Comment, 50. 

Norfolk I^ Athanasian Creed, 78. 
Norfolk II., Athanasian Creea, 80. 
Norfolk III., Athanasian Creed, 80, 94. 
Norfolk IV., English Gospels, 58. 

Palatine, Greek copy of the Creed, 101, 107. 
Paris I., Athanasian Creed, 75. 
Paris it, Greek copy of the Creed, 102. 
Patrick Young, Greek copy of the Creed, 103. 

Sarum, Saxon Version of the Creed, 95. 

Sydney, Camb., Hampole's Comment on the Psalms, English, 62. 

Thuanus, Athanasian Creed, 81. 

Treves, Athanasian Creed, 71f 148. 

Trin. Coll., Camb., I., Athanasian Creed, 93. 

Trin. Coll., Camb., IL, Bruno's Comment, 50, 52, 89, 93. 

Trin. Coll., Camb., IIL Hampole's Comment on the Psalms, 52. 

Trin. Coll., Camb., IV., Rhythmus Anglicus, 38. 

Trin. Coll., Camb., V., Wickliff's Comment, 61. 

Usher I., Athanasian Creed, 67. 
Usher II«, Book of Hymns, 103. 

Vienna I., Athanasian Creed, 75, 117 > 119. 
Vienna IL, Greek Creed, 99. 
Vienna III., Greek Creed, 100. 
Vienna IV., German Version, 94, 116. 

Wurtzbui^h, Bruno's Comment, 49, 86. 

York, Bruno's Comment, 51, 52. 



Abslarsds, G2, 05, 212, 320. 
Abbo, 81, 96, 117. 218. 
AdalbertDs, 30. 
Adrian I., 26, 87, 117, 11». 
Moeaa Parisleiisii, 7, 29, 98. 
AeobarduB, 27. 
Alexander Alenais, 35, 54, 232. 
Aleunder IV., 121. 
AlaiaudeT SMain, 16, 67, 111. 
AllatiuB Leo, 8, 34, 135. 
AlHtedJuB, 114. 
Ambntse. 104, 142, Ifil, 163, 

164, 181,186,214. 
Ambrose, ^eudo, 266. 
Amsrbaohlits, 92. 
AnaXaaivu I., 16, 81, 170. 
AnutBHOH II., 146, 
ADBBtatBUB of Aatioob, 91. 
AneobariuB, 27, 116, 117. 
Antelmius, 14, 38, 71, 82, 149, 

168, 162, 163, 164. 
AntoniuB, Niod 64. 
Apollinoriaaa, ^, 226, 245, 

Aquinaa, 37, 122, 163, 

Aiians, 210, 211, 213, 224, 225, 
235, 239, 244, 246, 254, 

Amoldus, 33. 

Aahwell, 8, 

Atbamuius, 32, 151, 232. 

Athanaaiufl of Spire, 10, 170. 

Atbelard, 118, 

AthaoBgorag, 194. 

Augnrtine, 20, 64, 84, 142- 
145, 147, 164, 155, 160, 164, 
168, 173, 177—191, 214, 249, 
256, 258, 260, 264, 265. 

Augtutine of Canterbury, 87. 

Auraliiu, 161, 

Baocbiariui, 120, 182. 
Bacon, Boger. 88. 
BalfBiu, 102, 106, 212, 217. 
BaldennI, 39. 

Batetb, 34, 

Benedict, 122. 

Bemo Augten^ 89. 

Bereridge, 12. 

Bingham, 16, 24. 

Blunt, 192. 

Bona, 7, 33, 81, 8S— 88, 112, 

119, 121, 126, 129. 
Boni&ce, 25, 81, 170. 
Bruno, 47, 48, 54, 66, 182, 188, 

249, 262-257. 
BniDFwiBk, Abbot of, 28. 
Bryling, NiooL, 102, 105, 212, 

Burton, 182, 196, 199. 

Gabanitioa, 13, 24. 
Cnsariua, 169, 171, 249. 
Calamy, 236,237,238. 
Caleca, Hannel, 85, 87, SB. 100, 

125. 126. 171. 
Calvin, 127, 238. 
Calvimua, lia 
Cantilnpe, Waltsr de, 36. 
CarnuiEa, 64, 
Carrilliia, 64. 
Cartbmriana, 81. 
Casdan, 157. 
Owe, 11, 17. 



Caxton, 60. 

Gazanovius, 127. 

Charles the Great, 26, 75, 109, 

117, 119, 122. 
Chillingworth, 234. 
Clarke, 17, 179. 
Claudianus, 147. 
Clemens Alex., 197, 198, 204. 
Clemens Romanus, 192. 
Cochleus, 48, 49. 
Collier, 60. 
Combefis, 39, 40, 97, 126, 143, 

Comber, 12, 67. 
Covel, 134. 
Coverdale, 87. 
Councils, viz. — 

Autun, A.D. 670. 13, 21, 46, 
109, 110. 

Chalcedon, a.d. 451. 144, 
145, 148, 237, 247. 

Ephesus, A.D. 431. 156, 
236, 237. 

Exeter, Aj>. 1287. 38. 

Florence, a.d. 1439. 136. 

Frankfort, a.d. 794. 25, 

Gentilly, a.d. 767. 97. 

Spain, A.D. 447. 7. 

Toledo, III., A.D. 589. 112. 

Toledo, IV., A.D. 633. Ill, 
112, 113. 

Turribius, a.d. 447. 145. 
Coxe, 50, 51, 55. 
Creeds, viz. — 

Apostolic, passim. 

Athanasian, passim. 

Aquileian, 189, 227. 

Of Constantinople, passim. 

Of Damasus, 254, 256, 259. 

Of Epiphanius, 140, 152. 

Of Pelagius, 179, 185, 187, 

Romanum Vetus, 189,' 241. 
Cudworth, 10. 
Cyparissiota, 40, 104. 
Cyprian, 193. 
Cyril of Alexandria, 156. 
Cyril of Jerusalem, 236, 242. 
Cyril, missionary in Servia,130. 

Damasus, 85, 154, 254, 256, 259. 

Danhawerus, 240. 
Denebertus, 118. 
Dionysius Alex., 196, 201, 204. 
Dionysius of Milan, 104. 
Dionysius Hom., 194, 201. 
Dionysius of Sienna, 106. 
Dodwell, 112. 
Douza, 125. 
Duditbius, 11. 
Dupin, 13, 24. 
Duranto, 38. 
Durell, 88. 

Epiphanius, 140, 152, 183. 
Ethelbald, 68. 
Euphronius, 46. 
Eusebius, 39, 104, 170. 
Eutyches, 144—147, 245, 247. 

Fabricius, 9, 15, 24, 34, 105, 

Faustinus, 142, 179, 181, 214. 
Felckmann, 83, 101, 107, 212. 
Felix III., 145. 
Feller, 55. 
Flavian, 145, 147. 
Fortunatus, 15, 43, 44, 110, 

158, 170, 176, 182, 184, 186, 

188, 222, 248—266. 
Frassenius, 121. 
Fulgentius, 146, 214, 252, 253. 


Graudentius, 20. 

Gkkvantus, 114. 

Genebrard, 102, 103, 105, 106, 

107, 123, 127, 131, 212, 217. 
Gennadius, 54, 120, 163, 187, 

189, 191, 228. 
Gorrham, 67. 
Grabe, 73. 

Gregory Boeticus, 256. 
Gregory I., 67, 87, 249. 
Gregory IX., legates of, 6, 11, 

36, 66, 222. 
Gregory Nazianzen, 20, 142, 

147, 152, 153, 177. 
Gregory Nyssen, 161. 
Gregory of Tours, 46, 86, 112, 

Gualdo, 32. 



Gundling, 11, 101, 103, 106, 

Hampole, 54, 61. 

Harduin, 21, 24, 27, 30, 36, 

136, 151. 
Harris, 128, 129. 
Hatto, 27, 116, 125. 
Heath, 87. 
Heidegger, 11. 
Helvicus, 114. 
Hermantius, 24. 
Heurtley, 152, 241, 259. 
Hickes, 68, 96, 134. 
Higden, 58. 

Hilary of Aries, 163-170. 
Hilary of Poictiers, 82, 167, 170. 
Hildegarde, 52. 
Hilsey, 212. 
Hincmar, 7, 22, 28, 47, 91, 93, 

109, 163, 222. 
Hippolytus, 195, 200, 204, 205. 
Hody, 84, 86—89, 122. 
Honoratus of Aries, 165. 
Honoratus of Marseilles, 163, 

Honoriu!), 32. 
Hormisdas, 146. 
Hugo de S. Victor, 34. 
Hulsemannus, 240. 
Hydruntinus, NicoL, 34, 98, 99, 


Ignatius, 192, 198, 204. 
Ignatius, Pseudo, 183, 191. 
Irenseus, 193, 197, 198, 200, 

201, 203, 205. 
Isidorus Hispalensis, 9, 20, 

253, 256, 261, 265. 
Isidorus Pelusiota, 266. 
Ivo Camotensis, 249. 

Januensis Johannes, 37, 55, 57, 

Jerome, 84—88, 151, 154, 256, 

259, 265. 
John of Antioch, 156. 
John II., 146. 
Julianus, 100. 
JuUus, 39, 100, 140. 
Justin, 193, 194, 196, 201, 203. 

Justinian, 146. 

Kirkbam, 37. 
Kromayer, 240. 

Labbe, 10, 24, 107, 113, 217. 
Lambecius, 29, 32, 38, 79, 94, 

117, 179, 185. 
Langbaine, 57. 
Le Cointe, 24. 
Le Lande, 24. 
Le Long, 48, 49, 58, 85, 89, 

91 94. 
Leo i., 10, 145, 151, 157. 
Leo IlL, 27, 122. 
Leodegarius, 21, 23. 
Leporius, 156, 160, 161. 
Lepusculus> 106. 
Le Quien, 15, 27, 67, 111, 123, 

148, 149, 150, 151, 159, 222, 

236, 237. 
L'Estrange, 8, 67. 
Liberius, 40, 140. 
Livius, 163. 

Ludolphus, Job, 127, 136, 246. 
Ludolphus Saxo, 38, 232. 
Lupus, 46. 
Luther, 232, 238. 
Lyra, 67. 

MabiUon, 75, 86, 89, 112, 115, 

Macedonians, 245. 

Marcus Ephesius, 136. 

Martene, 134. 

Martianay, 85, 86. 

Meletius, 125. 

MeUto, 205. 

Methodius, 205, 266. 

Methodius, a Servian mission- 
ary, 130. 

Metrophanes, 133. 

Monothelites, 247. 

Montfaucon, 14, 20, 24, 51, 67, 
71, 73, 74, 75, 77, 80. 82, 83, 
87, 93, 94, 97, 102, 103, 114, 
149, 160, 217. 

Muratori, 15, 21, 24, 43, 44, 
64, 65, 67, 72, 115, 126, 160, 
182, 248—266. 

Neander, 105, 106. 



Neckbam, 53. 

Nesselius, 100. 

Nestorius, 149, &o., 245, 247. 

Nichols, 237. 

NisseUus, 108. 

Nithardus, 93. 

Novatian, 196. 

OUvet, Monks of Mt, 27, 119, 

Origeii, 86, 195, 199, 200, 202 

—207, 228. 
Orosius, 229. 
Osma, 63. 
Otfridus, 94, 116. 
Otho, 33, 38. 
Oudin, 18, 23, 24, 29, 63, 57, 

58, 115, 159. 

Pagi, 13, 24, 80, 109, 110. 
Papebrochius, 21. 
Pappus, 247. 
Parous, 46. 
Patripassians, 210. 
Paululus, 34. 
Pearson, 9, 228. 
Pelagius I. , 146. 
Pelagius, Monk, 154. 
Petavius, 6, 148, 151. 
Petrus de Harentals, 57. 
Philastrius, 179. 
Photinians, 225, 244. 
Photius, 266. 
Pius v., 86, 87. 
Planudes, 100. 
Plusiadenus, 40. 
Pole, Cardinal, 96, 212. 
Primers, 208, 212. 
Prosper, 164. 
Psalters, 83, &c. 

Quesnel, 10, 24, 80, 82, 109, 
110, 114, 163. 

Ratherius, 30, 118, 120. 
Ratram, 7, 29, 98. 
Ravennius, 163. 
Begino, 24. 
Rembertus, 29, 117. 
Renaudot, 126, 129,i246. 
Ricaut, 136, 246. 

Riculphus, 30. 
Rotharlus, 120. 
Routh, 157, 236. 
Ruelius, 9. 

Ruffinus, 249, 256, 259, 260, 
261, 263, 266. 

Sabellians, 210, 233, 245, 253. 

Sandius, 10. 

Serrarius, 106, 247. 

Simon, 53. 

Sirmondus, 23, 24, 26, 28, 158, 

Smith, 73, 78, 79, 126. 
Spelman, 36, 37, 38. 
Spondanus, 126. 
Stephens, 102, 105, 106, 212. 
Strabo, 86. 
Suicer, 136. 
Sylvester Sguropulos, 136. 

Tatian, 203. 

Taylor, 8, 240. 

Tentzel, 8, 13, 24, 29, 34, 64, 

67, 68, 83, 94, 108, 129, 133, 

TertulUan, 194, 199, 200—204, 

Textus Rofifensis, 118. 
Theoaras, 132. 
Theodoret, 164. 
Theodulphus, 12, 26, 158. 
Theophilus, 193. 
Tillemont, 14, 24, 67, 71, 

Tonstall, 87. 
Trevisa, 58, 60. 

Ullerston, 56. 

Usher, 7, 49, 68, 67—73, 92, 

103, 104, 107, 129, 132, 218, 


Vigilius, Pope, 112. 

Vimlius Tapsensis, 10, 12, 17, 
82, 148, 149, 170. 

Vincentius Lirinensis, 14, 146, 
147, 157, 162, 164, 170, 171, 
173, 177, 179, 187, 189. 

Voss, 5, 25, 83, 125, 127. 



Wan, 154, 155. 


Wanley, 50, 69, 77—79, 93, 94, 

Wharton, 58, 61, 92—94. 
Wicliff; 57, 96, 223. 

Wfllehad, 117, 119. 
Wotton, 78, 95. 

Young, 103. 

2Salowski, 11. 


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